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The 1967 Arab-Israeli War revisited

Published

3 years ago

June 9, 2023

I was ten years old after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War when Israel occupied the West Bank in June 1967. Then, I didn’t fully grasp what was happening to us. Arab radio stations transmitting from Cairo, Damascus and Baghdad had been galvanizing us into believing that Israel’s days were numbered and that Arab nationalism, which nearly replaced Islam as our de facto religion, would soon tear up the Zionist entity to smithereens.

We virtually worshipped Gamal Abdul Nasser, the legendary Egyptian president, who became a god-like figure among most Arabs from Bahrain to Casablanca.

It was far more abominable to curse the ultimate leader of Arab nationalism than to curse the Almighty. Under such circumstances, achieving victory over Israel, the darling of the West, was tantamount to indulging in day-dreaming.

I remember I once asked Professor Hamed Algar, Professor of Ottoman History at the University of California at Berkeley, for his opinion of Nasser.

He described him as “the second major disaster to hit the Muslim world after Mustafa Kemal Attaturk“.

So you can imagine the gigantic shock and disappointment we suffered when all of our dreams were crushed when all these charismatic leaders proved to be mere contemptible little men who excelled in rhetoric and in repressing their peoples but failed utterly in the confrontation with Israel in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

A Narrative Story pre-the 1967 Arab-Israeli War

Four years before I was born, a great calamity had befallen my family.
The Israeli army murdered three of my four paternal uncles, Hussein (28), Mahmoud (25), and Yousuf (23). The three, all simple and impoverished shepherds, were grazing their flock of sheep and goats near the village of Al-Burj along the so-called armistice line, 22 kilometers south-west of the West Bank town of Hebron. Together with my three uncles, a number of other relatives, including a woman, were also shot dead. In fact, the Israelis not only nearly wiped out my entire family, but also seized our sheep herd, upon which our total livelihood depended to a large extent.

This calamity condemned us to a life of misery and abject poverty for many years to come. The Red Cross and the Red Crescent didn’t run active services in our region at that time, so we were left to endure our fate alone. I remember my late father telling me that the Jordanian government gave us two goats free of charge, as compensation for the tragedy. My family viewed this as a kind of insult added to injury.

Thus, my family had to live in a cave for 21 years. The misery, the suffering, the poverty and the harshness of daily living were conspicuous aspects of our life. Interestingly, to this day, the Israeli government has neither apologized for the crime nor compensated us for our stolen property.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Would zionist jews say “mea culpa”?

Imagine, just imagine, how rabid and vitriolic Jews would be if they were in my shoes. None the less, these self-absorbed and self-worshiping Zionists still have the Chutzpah to accuse their victims of being ” terrorists and anti-Semites.” Isn’t this discourse tantamount to fornicating with truth and history? Well, in the final analysis, shamelessness has always been and will always be the main feature of being a Zionist Jew!

I don’t know when these Jews will say mea culpa to their Palestinian and other victims. Perhaps when kosher pigs fly!!

Well, I do realize that it is too premature, probably naïve, to even evoke such a question. After all, Israel is still murdering Palestinian children nearly on a daily basis.

Many stories to tell!

Of course, our tragedy didn’t stop at losing three men and a number of other relatives murdered and hundreds of sheep stolen by the Israeli government. Much more had been seized from us six years earlier, in 1948, including our farming land in al-Za’ak, in what is now Israel. We were not even allowed to retrieve our belongings, such as bed coverings, household utensils and probably some money that had been left prior to the expulsion at the hands of armed Jewish gangs.

Anybody who might have tried would have been shot on the spot. I heard of several people who had ventured to reach their former homes just across the border, only to be shot dead after having dug their graves.

The take-no-prisoners policy was consistent with the Israeli strategy of ‘cleansing the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants who constituted the vast majority of the population in mandatory Palestine.

To implement this Nazi-like policy, various Israeli gangs, which came later to form the so-called Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), committed numerous wanton massacres against the Palestinians. Some of the most outrageous massacres included Deir Yassin, Dawaymeh, Tantura, Lud and Qastal, but there were many others. The atrocities, carried out knowingly and deliberately by the Jewish leadership, were aimed at terrorizing the Palestinians into leaving. The message was as clear as it was gruesome. “If you want to stay alive, you’ve got to leave.”

Israeli propaganda during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War would tell the world later that the ‘Arab refugees’ left their homes willingly and were not forced into leaving by the Jude-Nazi gangs. I say Judeo-Nazi because when Jews think, behave and act like Nazis they become Nazis.

Interestingly, the Zionists continue to shamelessly generate such big lies to deceive and mislead world public opinion. I strongly believe that Zionist Jews are God’s lying people.

They lie as often as they breathe; dishonesty seems to be a built-in Zionist character. You can not be Zionist and honest at the same time.

Moreover, you can’t support Israel unless you are either completely ignorant or irredeemably unconscionable or both.

Israel itself wouldn’t be able to survive five minutes in an environment ruled by truth, honesty and justice.

Zionist Jews would never admit that Israel and Jews ever did any wrongdoing or committed any crime.

A Zionist would even tell God Almighty “you’re a liar.” Didn’t Jews carry signs in the US reading “Allah is on my ass”? ( I got this quote from Alfred Lilienthal’s famous book The Zionist Connection).

Zionist Jews may not be the most murderous people under the sun. However, they are certainly the most dishonest and mendacious.

Moreover, there is no doubt whatsoever that Zionist Jews are the most racist people under the sun. For these Jews, the life of a single Jew is far more important than the lives of a million non-Jews. For them, non-Jewish life has no sanctity.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Jordanian era

Under Jordanian rule (1951-67), i.e. pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the most important concern for the Jordanian authorities was loyalty to King Hussein and his family. The King was nearly ‘a demi god’ and the entire country, including the media, the security forces and the people revolved around his figure. Hence, the claim often made that Jordan was a king with a country, rather than a country with a king, had a substantial degree of veracity.

Connections to the King and his Mukhabarat (intelligence apparatus) and immediate coterie would automatically put one in a preferential position.

Shouting “Ya’ish Jalalat al Malik al-Muaazam” (Long Live The King), would give one an automatic certificate of good conduct. No wonder, it was a despotic regime based on sycophancy, favouritism, and nepotism.

King Hussein never really made genuine efforts to push back recurrent Israeli incursions, forays and raids on Palestinian population centres in the West Bank pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, let alone liberate occupied Palestine. Indeed, the Commander-in-Chief of the Jordanian army in the late 1940s, when Israel was created, and up until March 1, 1956, was a British officer by the name of John Baggot Glubb who came to be known among Palestinians and Jordanians as Glubb Pasha, an honorary title. So, who in his right mind would have expected a British officer to fight the Jews on behalf of the Arabs?

As far as Palestinians were concerned, the most immediate priority for the Jordanian regime i.e. King Hussein was to make sure that they and other Jordanians didn’t pose a threat to the survival, security and stability of the Hashemite monarchy. A Palestinian would get a six-month prison term if an empty bullet cartridge was found in his possession.

And as the Israelis would do later, the Jordanians enlisted the ‘Makhatir’ (clan notables) to inform on every gesture of opposition to the Hashemite rule within their respective clans and areas. This in turn created a kind of police-state atmosphere all over the country.

Free-minded Palestinians who insisted on voicing their conscience were persecuted and dumped into the notorious El-Jafr prison in eastern Jordan where they were often tortured savagely, even to death. I know of a person from my town (Dura) who was tortured to death for his affiliation with the Communist Party.

Torture is still practiced in Jordan with the knowledge, blessing and encouragement of the United States and Britain. Some of the so-called ‘terror suspects’ held by the CIA were secretly flown to Jordan in order to be ‘softened up’ by Jordanian interrogators.

In the mid1950s, the Jordanian security forces on several occasions shot and killed demonstrators who were protesting the pro-Western policies of the government and the regime’s failure and inability to stop recurrent Israeli attacks. Some of these demonstrators were affiliated with or instigated by the Ba’ath party and the Communists who openly called for overthrowing the monarchy.

As a counterbalance to the leftists, who were quite active, especially in the West Bank, King Hussein allowed the Muslim Brotherhood to operate relatively freely. So it was a kind of divide-and-rule policy.

The leftists would accuse the Brotherhood of being British agents and the Brotherhood would retort by accentuating the atheism and enmity to Islam of the Communists and Ba’athists. Hussein’s relations with the Brotherhood remained relatively stable until the final years of his life when he introduced the one-man-one-vote law, aimed primarily at reducing to the minimum the number of parliament seats the well-organized Islamists could win.

Notwithstanding, the Muslim Brotherhood, or the Islamic Action Front, remains Jordan’s largest opposition party, despite government harassment and constant persecution.

The Muslim Brothers were not British agents or agents of any power. They only wanted to create an Islamic state in accordance with the Sharia. In other words, their strategy and goals were diametrically incompatible with those of the Communists and the Ba’athists. Hence, the mutual sullen hostility.

However, to be honest, the Jordanian regime, especially with regard to how the state treated its citizens, was not as bad and harsh as other Arab regimes, e. g., Syria, Iraq and Egypt. In non-political and non-security matters, the rule of law was generally observed and applied. In general, an individual’s dignity was upheld as long as he or she didn’t criticize the regime or undermine the ‘security of the kingdom.’

More to the point, King Hussein was truly an astute leader. Far from behaving with vindictiveness and vengefulness toward his political opponents, even those who sought to assassinate him and overthrow his regime. The King nearly always pardoned them, showing magnanimity and gallantry unmatched in modern Arab history.

Despite its authoritarianism and despotism, the Jordanian regime never persecuted us in any way even remotely comparable to what the Nazi-like Israelis have been doing to us since 1967. The Jordanians never demolished a home, bulldozed a farm or arrested people for years without charge or trial as Israel has been doing to us.

Yes, ‘wrongdoers’ were arrested and tried and often tortured, but their families wouldn’t be detained, their homes wouldn’t be bulldozed and their farms, orchards and olive groves wouldn’t be decimated as the Israelis routinely do. Jordan actually granted us full citizenship until the late King Hussein severed legal and administrative ties with the West Bank in 1988.

An outstanding exception occurred in 1970, during the so-called Black September events when the Jordanian army battled with PLO guerrillas who The King claimed were planning to take over Jordan and end the monarchy. Some atrocities were committed during these confrontations and many people, Palestinians and Jordanians, were killed. Nonetheless, the ‘September events’ should be considered a kind of anomaly in The King’s relations with the Palestinians.

In general, one can safely contend that there is no comparison between the Nazi-like Israeli occupation rule and the Jordanian era. The Jordanians were not really occupiers, they never behaved as occupiers. In many ways, The King was our king and the Kingdom was our kingdom. Yes, the regime was authoritarian and generally repressive, but, in all honesty, it cannot be compared to the Israelis whose barbarianism, brutal oppression, racism and savagery transcend reality.

Nonetheless, Jordan was (and still is) a weak and poor kingdom, economically, politically and especially militarily. The Israeli army routinely carried out cross-border incursions into the West Bank prior to 1967, murdering innocent villagers, and the Jordanian army was generally too weak and too unequipped to repulse the Israeli aggressors.

King Hussein must have calculated that maintaining a peaceable or even quasi-friendly modus vivendi with Israel was the best insurance policy for retaining his kingdom and the rule of his Hashemite dynasty. I think he was wrong in thinking this way. His non-hostility towards Israel didn’t prevent the Jewish state from pursuing its aggressive policies, which culminated in the occupation of the West Bank in 1967.

King Hussein did make a lot of contacts with Israel even before the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. For example, on September 24, 1963, the director-general of the Israeli prime minister’s office, Yaacov Herzog, met the King in the London clinic of the King’s Jewish physician, Dr. Emmanuel Herbert.

Another meeting took place in Paris in 1965 and Israel was represented by Golda Meir, who was accompanied by Herzog.

It is also believed that Hussein had lots of contacts with the Israeli state through the alumni offices of Boston University.

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Militias, Fragmentation, and Escalation Across Palestinian Territories

Published

1 day ago

March 15, 2026

Syed M Sarmad Kazmi

Militias-Fragmentation-and-Escalation-Across-Palestinian-Territories

When Israel and the United States launched a full-scale military assault against Iran, international attention shifted instantly toward the possibility of a wider Middle Eastern War. The blockage of the Strait of Hormuz, the reluctance of the US and Israel to completely obliterate Iran and wipe out their leadership, are not just threats to the Middle East but to the entire world.

Currently, headlines are focusing on missiles, regional alliances, and the risk of escalation between powerful adversaries. On the other hand, the situation across the Palestinian territories did not pause. Instead, a series of heinous developments inside Gaza and the occupied West Bank reveal that the genocide is entering a new and increasingly complex phase.

Some of the recent trends reshaping the reality across Palestinian territories include the rise of militias, fragmentation inside the Gaza Strip, and intensified violence across the West Bank.

Together, these developments suggest that the genocide is evolving into a more layered and unpredictable struggle.

The Emergence of Israeli-Backed Militias in Gaza

One of the most striking developments in recent weeks is the rise of armed Palestinian factions operating inside Gaza with apparent coordination with Israeli forces.

In this context, several groups have begun carrying out operations targeting Hamas members and infrastructure within areas of Gaza under Israeli military control.

Among the groups identified are organizations known as the Popular Army, including Northern Forces and the Free Homeland Forces, which are believed to be connected to a broader network sometimes referred to as the Popular Forces.

Moreover, these militias have carried out activities in Gaza, including:

Raids on different locations
Abductions of civilians
Intelligence gathering operations for Israel

Their presence introduces a new dimension to the conflict. For years, the main dynamic inside Gaza has centered on the confrontation between Israeli forces and Hamas. The appearance of armed Palestinian factions aligned against Hamas complicates that structure and adds the possibility of internal fragmentation.

Security analysts warn that such developments can significantly reshape power dynamics within genocidal zones, bringing further instability and chaos.

Fragmentation of Governance Inside Gaza

The prolonged genocide and the destruction of infrastructure across the enclave have weakened administrative structures and complicated governance.

Several factors now contribute to the fragmentation of authority:

The continued presence of Israeli military operations in Gaza
The emergence of new armed factions operating independently
The erosion of centralized administrative control due to the scale of genocide

The introduction of additional militias may further complicate efforts to establish political stability in the territory. In many genocidal zones, the proliferation of armed groups often leads to competing spheres of influence and weakened governance structures.

Ultimately, this fragmentation could make future political settlements even more difficult, as multiple actors compete for influence within the territory.

Escalation in the West Bank

The West Bank is not immune to the genocidal activities of Israel. While Gaza and Iran remain at the center of international attention, the occupied West Bank has also experienced a dramatic increase in violence since the Gaza genocide began.

According to figures cited by Palestinian authorities and international observers, more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank since the beginning of the Gaza genocide.

The violence has taken several forms, such as Israeli military raids in Palestinian towns and refugee camps, armed confrontations between Palestinian militants and Israeli forces, and attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinian communities.

In recent months, numerous Palestinian villages have reported raids in which homes were damaged, vehicles burned, and farmland destroyed. Some incidents have also led to the displacement of families from rural areas.

Settler Violence and Community Displacement

Settler violence has become one of the most significant sources of instability in the West Bank.

There is a growing number of incidents involving attacks on Palestinian property and agricultural land.

These incidents include:

Destruction of olive groves and crops
Arson attacks targeting homes and vehicles
Confrontations between settlers and residents

The consequences extend beyond the immediate damage. In some cases, Palestinian families have left villages after repeated attacks, contributing to gradual displacement in certain rural areas.

Gaza in the Context of a Wider Regional Conflict

The US, Israel–Iran confrontation has transformed the regional geopolitical landscape dramatically. Military tensions between these countries have raised fears of a broader Middle Eastern war involving multiple actors.

However, the conflict within Palestinian territories continues to evolve largely independent of the regional headlines. The recent closure of the Rafah border has triggered panic buying. Resultantly, the prices of food have skyrocketed. Moreover, the shortage of cooking gas triggered by Israel has also worsened living conditions.

Moreover, the emergence of militias, fragmentation of governance, and escalating violence suggest that the genocide is entering a phase of more destruction. Despite several calls by the United Nations to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza, the world is not paying heed to the innocent lives trying to survive each second there.

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The New Islamophobia: From Al-Quds Day Ban to America’s Anti-Muslim Surge

Published

1 day ago

March 15, 2026

Syed M Sarmad Kazmi

The-New-Islamophobia-From-Al-Quds-Day-Ban-to-Americas-Anti-Muslim-Surge

The world has witnessed Islamophobia in different intensities, especially during the last two decades. However, in recent years, especially after the genocide in Gaza and the US-Israel versus Iran war, it has moved from the margins of public debate to the center of social and political discussions in Western societies. Recent research data shows hostilities toward Muslim communities have reached unusual levels, both in Europe and the United States.

Recently, two significant decisions brought this issue into sharper focus. One is the decision to restrict London’s annual Al-Quds Day march, and the second is the record surge in anti-Muslim complaints reported across the United States. Both of these events highlight a broader trend that is affecting Muslims globally.

The Al-Quds Day Debate in London

Since 1979, Al-Quds Day has been observed internationally to demonstrate solidarity with Palestinians. It also serves as a platform for discussing Middle Eastern political issues. Specifically in London, the annual march has taken place for decades, drawing activists, community organizations, and political groups.

However, this year, authorities moved to prevent the traditional procession, citing concerns over public safety and rising geopolitical tensions. Officials argued that large demonstrations related to the Middle East could create security challenges, particularly at a time when international conflicts were intensifying.

The decision immediately sparked debate across the United Kingdom. Supporters of the restrictions argued that authorities must prioritize public safety and prevent potential unrest. On the other hand, numerous people, including many civil liberties groups, questioned whether banning such demonstrations risked limiting legitimate political expression.

Regardless of the political positions surrounding the decision, the controversy reflects a larger question facing Western societies. How to balance public security concerns with the rights of communities to express political solidarity and participate in democratic debate.

Islamophobia in the United Kingdom

Stats from the United Kingdom show that anti-Muslim hostility remains one of the most significant forms of religious discrimination in the country.

According to credible estimates, roughly 4,500 Islamophobic incidents were recorded in a recent year, ranging from verbal abuse and online harassment to physical attacks and vandalism targeting mosques.

Official government crime statistics reveal a similar trend. Muslims make up around 5 percent of the population of England and Wales, yet they account for close to half of all victims of religious hate crimes recorded by police.

Many incidents involve everyday harassment in public spaces or online platforms. Others include damage to religious buildings or threatening messages directed at Muslim institutions.

Community leaders often point out that such incidents can have wider social consequences. Fear of harassment can discourage individuals from fully participating in public life, from attending religious services to engaging in civic activism.

A Record Surge of Complaints in the United States

On the other hand, similar concerns are emerging over the Atlantic. The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), which is the largest Muslim civil rights organization in the United States, reported 8,683 complaints of anti-Muslim discrimination or harassment in 2025. According to the organization, this represents the highest number of complaints recorded since it began collecting data in 1996.

These complaints cover a wide range of situations, including the following:

Workplace discrimination
Immigration-related harassment
Online threats and intimidation
Discrimination in education and housing

But such figures often represent only a portion of actual incidents, since many victims choose not to report harassment.

Researchers studying patterns of discrimination have found that spikes in anti-Muslim hostility frequently occur during periods of heightened geopolitical tension involving Muslim-majority regions. Moreover, political rhetoric, media narratives, and international crises can all shape how minority communities are perceived domestically.

Universities and the Politics of Protest

Many educational institutions, like universities, have increasingly become a focal point in debates over political expression related to the Middle East.

Student demonstrations, particularly those connected to the Gaza genocide, have appeared on campuses across Europe and North America. Several universities have responded by imposing restrictions on certain protest activities or relocating demonstrations to designated areas. In some cases, police have been called to disperse encampments or enforce campus rules.

These situations have sparked broader discussions about academic freedom and the role universities play as spaces for political debate.

Media Narratives and Public Perception

Another factor shaping the conversation around Islamophobia is the role of media representation. Academic studies examining media coverage in Western countries have found that Muslims are often disproportionately associated with security issues, extremism, or geopolitical conflict in news reporting. Ultimately, such framing can influence public perceptions and reinforce stereotypes.

At the same time, Muslim communities in Europe and North America are diverse, encompassing millions of citizens and residents engaged in every sector of society, from medicine and education to business, public service, and the arts.

Understanding this diversity is a crucial step in addressing misconceptions that sometimes contribute to social tensions.

Addressing the Challenge

“Every life is equal, and every human deserves respect.”

Governments and civil society organizations across Western countries have increasingly acknowledged the need to confront anti-Muslim discrimination.

When it comes to the United Kingdom, policymakers have discussed establishing clearer definitions of anti-Muslim hatred and improving the monitoring of hate crimes. On the other hand, in the United States, advocacy groups continue to push for stronger legal protections and better reporting mechanisms.

Moreover, educational initiatives, interfaith programs, and community partnerships should also be promoted for a peaceful community.

In a nutshell, ensuring democratic societies remain inclusive and respectful of religious diversity is the way forward for a peaceful and prosperous future.

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Gaza on the Brink Again: How the Rafah Border Closure Is Pushing 2 Million People Toward Extreme Hunger

Published

1 week ago

March 8, 2026

Syed M Sarmad Kazmi

Although the world is more focused on the ongoing Israel-Iran War, a lot of severe genocidal acts are underway as a backdrop in Gaza. The 2.2 million people who are living in the Gaza Strip in abysmal conditions are just surviving, day after day.

Amidst the war, Israel again closed the Rafah border crossing after it was reopened just a month ago. It is undoubtedly a heinous attack on the innocent civilians of Gaza. Gaza’s only direct gateway to Egypt has once again pushed the enclave toward a severe humanitarian catastrophe.

Israel was allowing just a limited number of aid supplies into Gaza before the Rafah closure, but this genocidal act has completely stopped every humanitarian effort. As a result, the crisis of food shortages, medical collapse, and worsening hunger is getting extreme.

Rafah Crossing: Gaza’s Last Remaining Humanitarian Lifeline

The Rafah crossing has long been Gaza’s most critical humanitarian corridor. Unlike other crossings that are controlled by Israel, Rafah connects Gaza directly to Egypt and the wider Muslim world.

The Rafah crossing serves through:

Entry of humanitarian aid, including food, medicine, and fuel
Evacuation of wounded and critically ill patients
Entry of doctors, journalists, and international humanitarian workers

Gaza’s population is heavily dependent on imported supplies. The enclave produces less than 20% of the food it consumes, making border access essential for survival.

Before the latest closure, aid agencies estimated that 500 to 600 humanitarian aid trucks per day were needed to meet Gaza’s basic needs. In reality, only a fraction of that number has been able to enter.

Ultimately, when Rafah shuts down, Gaza’s already fragile humanitarian system quickly begins to collapse.

Gaza’s Growing Hunger Crisis

Food insecurity in Gaza has reached alarming levels.

The United Nations has warned that hundreds of thousands of people are now facing severe hunger, and food insecurity is reaching its highest levels. Humanitarian agencies report that many families have already reduced their daily meals to one per day or less.

Key indicators illustrating the scale of the crisis are as follows:

Over 80% of Gaza’s population relies on humanitarian food aid
Nearly a million Palestinians face catastrophic food insecurity
Food prices in local markets have surged dramatically due to shortages

Basic staples such as flour, rice, cooking oil, and sugar are becoming increasingly difficult to find. When supplies do appear in markets, prices are often far beyond what ordinary families can afford.

But now, as the aid is completely blocked, the survival of these families is uncertain.

Hospitals on the Edge of Collapse

Before the Rafah closure, critical patients were admitted to Egypt’s hospitals for better medical care. However, since its abrupt closure, medical officials warn that hospitals – a few remaining ones – across the territory are facing critical shortages of medicine, surgical equipment, and fuel needed to power generators.

Key health statistics revealing the severity of the situation are as follows:

More than half of Gaza’s hospitals are no longer operational.
Thousands of patients require urgent evacuation for treatment abroad.
Fuel shortages threaten intensive care units and dialysis centers.

Doctors report that shortages of antibiotics, anesthesia, and surgical materials are forcing hospitals to delay or cancel life-saving procedures.

Moreover, Electricity is another point of contention. Gaza’s power grid has been heavily damaged, meaning hospitals rely almost entirely on diesel generators. Without regular fuel deliveries, critical medical services could stop altogether.

The Role of the Regional Escalation

The latest humanitarian crisis in Gaza is unfolding against the backdrop of a wider regional confrontation involving Israel, the United States, and Iran.

Military tensions between these countries have intensified dramatically, raising fears of a broader Middle Eastern war. As security concerns rise, Israel has tightened its illegal control over Gaza’s borders, including restrictions affecting humanitarian aid routes.

In practice, these security measures primarily impact civilians living in Gaza, who are already struggling with displacement, economic collapse, and widespread destruction of infrastructure.

The result is that Palestinians in Gaza are once again paying the highest price for geopolitical conflicts that extend far beyond their territory.

The Genocide and Growing Global Criticism

The entire world is appalled by the scale of genocide and devastation in Gaza by Israel, with the unravelling support of the US.

The International Court of Justice, the United Nations, and other international organizations have declared it a genocide.

Critics argue that the widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure, mass displacement, and restrictions on food and aid amount to a form of collective punishment prohibited under international humanitarian law.

At the same time, many Western governments continue to provide Israel with political and military support, framing its actions as legitimate self-defense.

For many observers across the Muslim world and the Global South, this response highlights what they see as a profound double standard in the enforcement of international law.

A Population Pushed to the Edge

For Palestinians in Gaza, the closure of Rafah is not simply a political development, but an existential crisis.

Every closed crossing means no aid trucks, medical evacuations, and absolutely no opportunities for relief. Each restriction deepens the humanitarian emergency facing a population already enduring one of the most severe crises in modern history.

With Gaza’s borders sealed and humanitarian access restricted, the enclave’s two million residents remain trapped in a territory where survival increasingly depends on decisions made by distant political and military figures.

This is not so bothersome for the people living outside Palestine, but one must feel the pain that they are living through. How can we survive without food, water, and medical supplies for days and even years? How can we see our children, elders, and women die of hunger, thirst, and bombs? The world must take action before it’s too late!

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