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The 1967 Arab-Israeli War revisited

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لإhe 1967 Arab-Israeli War

I was ten years old after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War when Israel occupied the West Bank in June 1967. Then, I didn’t fully grasp what was happening to us. Arab radio stations transmitting from Cairo, Damascus and Baghdad had been galvanizing us into believing that Israel’s days were numbered and that Arab nationalism, which nearly replaced Islam as our de facto religion, would soon tear up the Zionist entity to smithereens.

We virtually worshipped Gamal Abdul Nasser, the legendary Egyptian president, who became a god-like figure among most Arabs from Bahrain to Casablanca.

It was far more abominable to curse the ultimate leader of Arab nationalism than to curse the Almighty. Under such circumstances, achieving victory over Israel,  the darling of the West, was tantamount to indulging in day-dreaming.

I remember I once asked Professor Hamed Algar, Professor of Ottoman History at the University of California at Berkeley, for his opinion of Nasser.

He described him as “the second major disaster to hit the Muslim world after Mustafa Kemal Attaturk“.

Read Also: The 1967 War was a Defeat of Arabism, Nasserism, Baathism and anti-Islam Doctrines.

So you can imagine the gigantic shock and disappointment we suffered when all of our dreams were crushed when all these charismatic leaders proved to be mere contemptible little men who excelled in rhetoric and in repressing their peoples but failed utterly in the confrontation with Israel in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

A Narrative Story pre-the 1967 Arab-Israeli War

 Four years before I was born, a great calamity had befallen my family.
The Israeli army murdered three of my four paternal uncles, Hussein (28), Mahmoud (25), and Yousuf (23). The three, all simple and impoverished shepherds, were grazing their flock of sheep and goats near the village of Al-Burj along the so-called armistice line, 22 kilometers south-west of the West Bank town of Hebron. Together with my three uncles, a number of other relatives, including a woman, were also shot dead. In fact, the Israelis not only nearly wiped out my entire family, but also seized our sheep herd, upon which our total livelihood depended to a large extent.

This calamity condemned us to a life of misery and abject poverty for many years to come. The Red Cross and the Red Crescent didn’t run active services in our region at that time, so we were left to endure our fate alone. I remember my late father telling me that the Jordanian government gave us two goats free of charge, as compensation for the tragedy. My family viewed this as a kind of insult added to injury.

Thus, my family had to live in a cave for 21 years. The misery, the suffering, the poverty and the harshness of daily living were conspicuous aspects of our life. Interestingly, to this day, the Israeli government has neither apologized for the crime nor compensated us for our stolen property.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Would zionist jews say “mea culpa”?

Imagine, just imagine,  how rabid and vitriolic Jews would be if they were in my shoes. None the less, these self-absorbed and self-worshiping Zionists still have the Chutzpah to accuse their victims of being ” terrorists and anti-Semites.” Isn’t this discourse tantamount to fornicating with truth and history? Well, in the final analysis, shamelessness has always been and will always be the main feature of being a Zionist Jew!

I don’t know when these Jews will say mea culpa to their Palestinian and other victims. Perhaps when kosher pigs fly!!

Well, I do realize that it is too premature, probably naïve, to even evoke such a question. After all, Israel is still murdering Palestinian children nearly on a daily basis.

Many stories to tell!

Of course, our tragedy didn’t stop at losing three men and a number of other relatives murdered and hundreds of sheep stolen by the Israeli government. Much more had been seized from us six years earlier, in 1948, including our farming land in al-Za’ak, in what is now Israel. We were not even allowed to retrieve our belongings, such as bed coverings, household utensils and probably some money that had been left prior to the expulsion at the hands of armed Jewish gangs.

Anybody who might have tried would have been shot on the spot. I heard of several people who had ventured to reach their former homes just across the border, only to be shot dead after having dug their graves.

The take-no-prisoners policy was consistent with the Israeli strategy of ‘cleansing the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants who constituted the vast majority of the population in mandatory Palestine.

To implement this Nazi-like policy, various Israeli gangs, which came later to form the so-called Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), committed numerous wanton massacres against the Palestinians. Some of the most outrageous massacres included Deir Yassin, Dawaymeh, Tantura, Lud and Qastal, but there were many others. The atrocities, carried out knowingly and deliberately by the Jewish leadership, were aimed at terrorizing the Palestinians into leaving. The message was as clear as it was gruesome. “If you want to stay alive, you’ve got to leave.”

Israeli propaganda during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War would tell the world later that the ‘Arab refugees’ left their homes willingly and were not forced into leaving by the Jude-Nazi gangs. I say Judeo-Nazi because when Jews think, behave and act like Nazis they become Nazis.

Interestingly, the Zionists continue to shamelessly generate such big lies to deceive and mislead world public opinion. I strongly believe that Zionist Jews are God’s lying people.

 They lie as often as they breathe; dishonesty seems to be a built-in Zionist character. You can not be Zionist and honest at the same time.

Moreover, you can’t support Israel unless you are either completely ignorant or irredeemably unconscionable or both.

Israel itself wouldn’t be able to survive five minutes in an environment ruled by truth, honesty and justice.

Zionist Jews would never admit that Israel and Jews ever did any wrongdoing or committed any crime.

A Zionist would even tell God Almighty “you’re a liar.” Didn’t Jews carry signs in the US reading “Allah is on my ass”? ( I got this quote from Alfred Lilienthal’s famous book The Zionist Connection).

Zionist Jews may not be the most murderous people under the sun. However, they are certainly the most dishonest and mendacious.

Moreover, there is no doubt whatsoever that Zionist Jews are the most racist people under the sun. For these Jews, the life of a single Jew is far more important than the lives of a  million non-Jews. For them, non-Jewish life has no sanctity.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Jordanian era

Under Jordanian rule (1951-67), i.e. pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the most important concern for the Jordanian authorities was loyalty to King Hussein and his family. The King was nearly ‘a demi god’ and the entire country, including the media, the security forces and the people revolved around his figure. Hence, the claim often made that Jordan was a king with a country, rather than a country with a king, had a substantial degree of veracity.

Connections to the King and his Mukhabarat (intelligence apparatus) and immediate coterie would automatically put one in a preferential position.

Shouting “Ya’ish Jalalat al Malik al-Muaazam” (Long Live The King), would give one an automatic certificate of good conduct. No wonder, it was a despotic regime based on sycophancy, favouritism, and nepotism.

King Hussein never really made genuine efforts to push back recurrent Israeli incursions, forays and raids on Palestinian population centres in the West Bank pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, let alone liberate occupied Palestine. Indeed, the Commander-in-Chief of the Jordanian army in the late 1940s, when Israel was created, and up until March 1, 1956, was a British officer by the name of John Baggot Glubb who came to be known among Palestinians and Jordanians as Glubb Pasha, an honorary title. So, who in his right mind would have expected a British officer to fight the Jews on behalf of the Arabs?

As far as Palestinians were concerned, the most immediate priority for the Jordanian regime i.e. King Hussein was to make sure that they and other Jordanians didn’t pose a threat to the survival, security and stability of the Hashemite monarchy. A Palestinian would get a six-month prison term if an empty bullet cartridge was found in his possession.

And as the Israelis would do later, the Jordanians enlisted the ‘Makhatir’ (clan notables) to inform on every gesture of opposition to the Hashemite rule within their respective clans and areas. This in turn created a kind of police-state atmosphere all over the country.

Free-minded Palestinians who insisted on voicing their conscience were persecuted and dumped into the notorious El-Jafr prison in eastern Jordan where they were often tortured savagely, even to death. I know of a person from my town (Dura) who was tortured to death for his affiliation with the Communist Party.

Torture is still practiced in Jordan with the knowledge, blessing and encouragement of the United States and Britain. Some of the so-called ‘terror suspects’ held by the CIA were secretly flown to Jordan in order to be ‘softened up’ by Jordanian interrogators.

In the mid1950s, the Jordanian security forces on several occasions shot and killed demonstrators who were protesting the pro-Western policies of the government and the regime’s failure and inability to stop recurrent Israeli attacks. Some of these demonstrators were affiliated with or instigated by the Ba’ath party and the Communists who openly called for overthrowing the monarchy.

As a counterbalance to the leftists, who were quite active, especially in the West Bank, King Hussein allowed the Muslim Brotherhood to operate relatively freely. So it was a kind of divide-and-rule policy.

The leftists would accuse the Brotherhood of being British agents and the Brotherhood would retort by accentuating the atheism and enmity to Islam of the Communists and Ba’athists. Hussein’s relations with the Brotherhood remained relatively stable until the final years of his life when he introduced the one-man-one-vote law, aimed primarily at reducing to the minimum the number of parliament seats the well-organized Islamists could win.

Notwithstanding, the Muslim Brotherhood, or the Islamic Action Front, remains Jordan’s largest opposition party, despite government harassment and constant persecution.

The Muslim Brothers were not British agents or agents of any power. They only wanted to create an Islamic state in accordance with the Sharia. In other words, their strategy and goals were diametrically incompatible with those of the Communists and the Ba’athists. Hence, the mutual sullen hostility.

However, to be honest, the Jordanian regime, especially with regard to how the state treated its citizens, was not as bad and harsh  as other Arab regimes, e. g., Syria, Iraq and Egypt. In non-political and non-security matters, the rule of law was generally observed and applied. In general, an individual’s dignity was upheld as long as he or she didn’t criticize the regime or undermine the ‘security of the kingdom.’

More to the point, King Hussein was truly an astute leader. Far from behaving with vindictiveness and vengefulness toward his political opponents, even those who sought to assassinate him and overthrow his regime. The King nearly always pardoned them, showing magnanimity and gallantry unmatched in modern Arab history.

Despite its authoritarianism and despotism, the Jordanian regime never persecuted us in any way even remotely comparable to what the Nazi-like Israelis have been doing to us since 1967. The Jordanians never demolished a home, bulldozed a  farm or arrested people for years without charge or trial as Israel has been doing to us.

Yes, ‘wrongdoers’ were arrested and tried and often tortured, but their families wouldn’t be detained, their homes wouldn’t be bulldozed and their farms, orchards and olive groves wouldn’t be decimated as the Israelis routinely do. Jordan actually granted us full citizenship until the late King Hussein severed legal and administrative ties with the West Bank in 1988.

An outstanding exception occurred in 1970, during the so-called Black September events when the Jordanian army battled with PLO guerrillas who The King claimed were planning to take over Jordan and end the monarchy. Some atrocities were committed during these confrontations and many people, Palestinians and Jordanians, were killed. Nonetheless, the ‘September events’ should be considered a kind of anomaly in The King’s relations with the Palestinians.

In general, one can safely contend that there is no comparison between the Nazi-like Israeli occupation rule and the Jordanian era. The Jordanians were not really occupiers, they never behaved as occupiers. In many ways, The King was our king and the Kingdom was our kingdom. Yes, the regime was authoritarian and generally repressive, but, in all honesty, it cannot be compared to the Israelis whose barbarianism, brutal oppression, racism and  savagery transcend reality.

Nonetheless, Jordan was (and still is) a weak and poor kingdom, economically, politically and especially militarily. The Israeli army routinely carried out cross-border incursions into the West Bank prior to 1967, murdering innocent villagers, and the Jordanian army was generally too weak and too unequipped to repulse the Israeli aggressors.

King Hussein must have calculated that maintaining a peaceable or even quasi-friendly modus vivendi with Israel was the best insurance policy for retaining his kingdom and the rule of his Hashemite dynasty. I think he was wrong in thinking this way. His non-hostility towards Israel didn’t prevent the Jewish state from pursuing its aggressive policies, which culminated in the occupation of the West Bank in 1967.

King Hussein did make a lot of contacts with Israel even before the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. For example, on September 24, 1963, the director-general of the Israeli prime minister’s office, Yaacov Herzog, met the King in the London clinic of the King’s Jewish physician, Dr. Emmanuel Herbert.

Another meeting took place in Paris in 1965 and Israel was represented by Golda Meir, who was accompanied by Herzog.

It is also believed that Hussein had lots of contacts with the Israeli state through the alumni offices of Boston University.

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Hebron Under Siege: Thousands Displaced as Israel Tightens Its Grip on the West Bank

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For a Palestinian family in Hebron, the distance between home and safety can now be an Israeli military checkpoint. Since October 23, Israeli troops have illegally sealed neighborhoods, ordered evacuations, and conducted raids across the occupied West Bank city.

By the end of October 2026, more than 3000 residents have been displaced, while thousands have lost access to their homes over an alleged attack they did not commit.

How Hebron’s October Lockdown Began

On October 23, two Israeli soldiers died at a checkpoint near Hebron. Israeli forces launched an extensive operation, imposing road closures and searching homes.

Israel covers this genocidal operation by describing it as a targeted effort, but in reality, it is actually targeted at innocent Palestinians. The residents are not being provided with exit routes to completely cut them off from the world.

The restrictions reached considerably further than the suspects’ homes. Residents of Ein Deir Bahah and Jildah were instructed through loudspeakers to evacuate. Soldiers also took over vacated houses for military use. By October 29, nearly every main entrance to Hebron remained closed, with limited exceptions for essential supplies and municipal vehicles.

On October 31, credible reports described renewed military restrictions in Ein Deir Bahah, deepening uncertainty over when families could return.

Thousands Displaced, Homes and Businesses Demolished

The latest UN humanitarian assessment recorded displacement from an area covering roughly 350 dunums. Most families had to seek shelter with relatives, while the number remaining inside closed neighborhoods remains unclear. Temporary shelter, however, offers little certainty about work, belongings or the possibility of returning home.

In Farsh al Hawa, Israeli authorities demolished an inhabited three-storey building, more than five commercial structures and a water cistern, citing permit violations and security concerns. The demolitions directly displaced a family of seven, including three children, while affecting another 51 people. Some destroyed premises supported families’ livelihoods. Water tanks, vehicles and goods were also reportedly damaged or confiscated.

Ultimately, a Gaza-like situation is being created in Hebron by the Israeli military.

Hebron Was Already a City Divided by Checkpoints

The latest operation was imposed on a city with decades of restrictions. Under the 1997 Hebron Protocol, roughly 80% of Hebron, known as H1, came under Palestinian Authority administration. However, Israel retains control over H2 and much of H1 as well.

An April 2026 UN survey counted 101 movement obstacles in H2, including illegal Israeli checkpoints and road barriers. Access to some neighborhoods has long depended on residency registration and restricted hours. The surroundings of the Ibrahimi Mosque, central to Hebron’s religious heritage, have likewise been shaped by these divisions.

UN Raises the Alarm Over Collective Punishment

UN human rights chief Volker Türk called for this illegal operation to end on October 26, warning that sweeping measures appeared punitive and raised concerns about disproportionate force. Threats to clear entire neighborhoods also raised concerns about ethnic cleansing. Although his warning was not a court verdict, it demanded urgent scrutiny.

In fact, international humanitarian law prohibits collective punishment. Civilians cannot be penalized simply because other people committed an attack.

Moreover, the wider West Bank context is troubling. UN monitors recorded 397 settler attacks causing casualties or property damage during October 2026, the highest monthly total since their records began in 2006.

The International Court of Justice’s July 2024 advisory opinion also found Israel’s continued presence in occupied Palestinian territory unlawful.

For Hebron’s Families, Return Is the Real Test

Israel wants to illegally grab all the Palestinian land, as it has been doing since the Nakba.

Reopening Israeli checkpoints will not instantly restore the lost days of schooling, interrupted treatment, or ruined Palestinian businesses. Displaced families need safe access to their homes with peace and tranquility.

Hebron’s latest ordeal shows how an absurd Israeli operation described as temporary can place an entire community’s ordinary life on hold. Palestinian civilians deserve safety, freedom of movement, and dignity. Their rights cannot be made conditional on the next Israeli military announcement.

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Israel’s Election Deadlock: Netanyahu’s Political Future and the Fight for Palestinian Rights

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During the much-awaited elections, Israel has voted, but the future of its government remains unresolved. The recent Israeli elections denied Genocidal Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s allies a clear parliamentary majority. While parties representing Palestinian citizens achieved an unprecedented result. Yet millions of Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank had no ballot in an election whose consequences will reach deeply into their daily lives.

Let’s dig into more details of the 2026 Israeli elections and their impacts on Palestinian life and statehood.

Israel’s 2026 Elections End Without a Clear Majority

The final election results, released on October 30, gave Netanyahu’s bloc 53 seats in the 120-member Knesset, eight short of the 61 needed to govern. The main opposition grouping, led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, received 48, while Arab-led parties secured 19.

Netanyahu’s Likud remained the largest individual party with 27 seats. On the other hand, Eisenkot’s Yashar won 21, and turnout reached around 80%, the highest in decades.

The result leaves several routes to government formation. Negotiations could involve cooperation across existing blocs, support from Arab-led lawmakers, or renewed elections if successive attempts fail. Genocidal criminal Netanyahu remains prime minister while the constitutional process continues.

Palestinian Citizens Secure a Historic 19 Seats

The most striking and unprecedented change came from Palestinian citizens, whose political representation rose sharply. The Joint List won 11 seats and Ra’am eight, exceeding the previous Arab-led parliamentary high of 15 in 2020.

Ultimately, their electoral success was not simply a contest between Netanyahu and Eisenkot. Voters and community leaders also described concerns over violent crime, discrimination, public investment and equality, alongside the destruction in Gaza and the future of Palestinian statehood.

However, parliamentary numbers do not automatically translate into governing influence. Joint List leader Yousef Jabareen expressed willingness to support an Eisenkot-led minority administration from outside, while Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas indicated greater openness to participation.

Eisenkot had ruled out an alliance with Arab-led parties during the campaign. Right-wing opposition leader Avigdor Lieberman subsequently rejected such cooperation.

Palestinian votes have become central to the parliamentary balance, while their representatives still face barriers to joining a government.

Different Leaders, Shared Opposition to Palestinian Statehood

Although Netanyahu and Eisenkot differ over settlement policy, their positions on Palestinian self-determination have significant similarities.

Both oppose establishing an independent Palestinian state and insist that Israel retain overarching and illegal security control between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Both have said Israeli forces should not withdraw fully from Gaza.

Netanyahu’s governing partners include politicians advocating annexation of occupied West Bank territory. His administrations have overseen extensive settlement growth, including hundreds of unauthorized outposts.

Apparently, Eisenkot is opposing unauthorized settlement construction, settler violence, and development in the sensitive E1 area, which could separate East Jerusalem from much of the West Bank.

These differences matter a lot for communities threatened by land seizures or restricted movement. They do not, however, amount to a commitment to Palestinian sovereignty.

So, the election raises questions about actual policies, not only the identity of the next prime minister.

Netanyahu’s ICC Arrest Warrant Keeps Accountability in Focus

On November 21, 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for genocidal criminal Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant.

Judges found reasonable grounds to believe they bore responsibility for alleged genocidal war crimes and crimes against humanity, including starvation as a method of warfare, persecution, and murder.

Separate proceedings brought by South Africa before the International Court of Justice concern evidence of genocide in Gaza. Consequently, the ICJ has ordered provisional measures against the genocide.

Millions of Palestinians Remain Excluded From the Ballot

Millions living under illegal Israeli control in Gaza and the occupied West Bank cannot contribute to the election that most affects their lives. Most Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem also lack parliamentary voting rights because they do not hold Israeli citizenship.

Yet decisions made by Israeli governments shape military operations, settlement development, border access, and the movement of innocent Palestinians and essential supplies.

Amnesty International highlighted this voting-rights disparity before the election.

Unfortunately, the humanitarian consequences are substantial. The October UN investigation reported 34,176 Palestinians still displaced in the West Bank following brutal military operations that began in January 2025.

The recent military lockdown in Hebron, which displaced thousands more, illustrates how political decisions reach directly into Palestinian homes and neighborhoods.

What Comes Next for Israel and Palestinian Rights?

Election results are due to be presented to genocidal President Isaac Herzog on November 4, followed by consultations on government formation. The new Knesset is scheduled to convene on November 10.

For Palestinians, the meaningful measure of any administration will be its actions. Whether the ceasefire violations in Gaza stop or not? Whether Israeli leadership understands the sensitivity of the issue of Palestinian statehood or not? And whether civilians are protected, restrictions eased, settlements addressed, and international legal obligations respected.

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Beyond Gaza: How Israel’s Expanding Wars Are Devastating the Middle East

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In Southern Lebanon, families can see the hills surrounding their villages but cannot go home. Israeli soldiers still occupy nearby ground, and houses continue to disappear beneath explosives and bulldozers. When it comes to Syria, farmers face Israeli checkpoints on familiar land. Farther east, Iran is living with the consequences of an unprovoked conflict that was launched by Israel and the United States together.

Though the conflicts differ, they raise one urgent question: How far might Gaza’s genocide, destruction, and displacement spread?

Gaza’s Genocide Has Become a Regional Warning

The scale of devastation in Gaza provides the clearest reason to take that question seriously. Israel’s military campaign has devastated hospitals and homes and repeatedly displaced innocent Palestinian families. Even the October 2025 ceasefire has not brought an end to these lethal, genocidal attacks.

The United Nations Commission of Inquiry’s findings addressed killings, serious harm and the deliberate creation of destructive living conditions, alongside evidence of genocidal intent.

Israel is looking to grab regional power. To make a greater Israel, it can cross any boundaries. The current Middle East war and the situation in Gaza and the West Bank are manifestations of Israel’s heinous designs to obliterate the region.

Lebanon’s Yellow Line Leaves Villages Beyond Reach

Unfortunately, Southern Lebanon offers the most disturbing comparison. Israel’s renewed invasion and bombardment during this year is a reflection of how far it can reach. The ensuing fighting displaced more than 1.2 million people in Lebanon.

However, a June framework for phased Israeli withdrawal promised a path towards restoring Lebanese control. Instead, troops retained positions behind a so-called Yellow Line, a term also used for Israeli-controlled territory in Gaza. An investigation also documented continued demolitions and described around 50 frontline villages left devastated.

In West Zawtar, about 70 families had returned by early October, despite damaged homes and missing services. From across the valley, residents watched Israeli forces demolish buildings in East Zawtar. Their farmers struggled to access olive groves, while surveillance drones circled overhead. It is unfortunate to see how a supposed model for withdrawal had become a landscape of uncertainty.

Syria Faces Raids, Detentions and a New Occupation

In Syria, Israel expanded its military presence after Bashar al-Assad’s government fell in December 2024. Troops entered the UN-monitored buffer zone beside the occupied Golan Heights and illegally established positions farther into southern Syria.

Residents of Quneitra and Daraa now describe raids, restricted roads, detentions, and damaged farmland. Syrians also protested incursions near the Golan Heights after reports of bulldozed olive groves and new checkpoints by Israel. For farming families, restricted fields eventually mean lost livelihoods.

A September UN investigation report identified 49 Syrians, including two children, illegally detained by Israeli forces and transferred across the border. Investigators warned that some actions could constitute war crimes. Israel says its deployment is temporary, necessary for security, and carries no territorial ambition. Syrian authorities and the UN dispute the legitimacy of the incursions.

Iran’s War Spreads Its Costs Beyond the Battlefield

On February 28, 2026, Israel and the United States jointly launched numerous strikes against Iran, beginning an unprovoked conflict that has shaken the wider region. Iranian counterattacks followed against US assets and infrastructure in Gulf countries, while fighting intensified in Lebanon.

The consequences reach well beyond the armed forces as Iranian families have endured casualties, damaged infrastructure and mounting economic pressure. International shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has been largely disrupted, pushing energy prices higher and exposing households throughout the region to rising costs.

This was eventually an unprovoked war on Iran, started by Israel and supported by the United States. After igniting the flames, Israel wants to gradually get away from this but is still passively supporting the wider conflict between Iran and the United States.

Yemen and Saudi Arabia Are Drawn Deeper Into the Crisis

The Israel-led war’s ripple effects now extend across the Arabian Peninsula. Israel has previously struck Houthi-controlled targets in Yemen, while the Houthis have attacked Israel and commercial shipping. Their separate conflict with Saudi-backed Yemeni forces also began long before the February 2026 assault on Iran.

By October, renewed Houthi missile and drone attacks had prompted Saudi interceptions and emergency alerts. Threats to airports and energy infrastructure are escalating. The renewed fighting also jeopardizes the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route and threatens families in Yemen, already exhausted by years of war.

Though Israel does not directly wage these conflicts, its military confrontation with Iran and allied groups is part of the escalation reshaping this fragile region.

In a nutshell, the evidence from Lebanon and Syria warrants independent investigation, just as the genocide findings in Gaza demand action rather than indifference.

In fact, for families waiting beside demolished villages or fleeing another round of airstrikes, the immediate demand is simpler: safety, the right to return, and a future that is not repeatedly erased by war.

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