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The 1967 Arab-Israeli War revisited

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لإhe 1967 Arab-Israeli War

I was ten years old after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War when Israel occupied the West Bank in June 1967. Then, I didn’t fully grasp what was happening to us. Arab radio stations transmitting from Cairo, Damascus and Baghdad had been galvanizing us into believing that Israel’s days were numbered and that Arab nationalism, which nearly replaced Islam as our de facto religion, would soon tear up the Zionist entity to smithereens.

We virtually worshipped Gamal Abdul Nasser, the legendary Egyptian president, who became a god-like figure among most Arabs from Bahrain to Casablanca.

It was far more abominable to curse the ultimate leader of Arab nationalism than to curse the Almighty. Under such circumstances, achieving victory over Israel,  the darling of the West, was tantamount to indulging in day-dreaming.

I remember I once asked Professor Hamed Algar, Professor of Ottoman History at the University of California at Berkeley, for his opinion of Nasser.

He described him as “the second major disaster to hit the Muslim world after Mustafa Kemal Attaturk“.

Read Also: The 1967 War was a Defeat of Arabism, Nasserism, Baathism and anti-Islam Doctrines.

So you can imagine the gigantic shock and disappointment we suffered when all of our dreams were crushed when all these charismatic leaders proved to be mere contemptible little men who excelled in rhetoric and in repressing their peoples but failed utterly in the confrontation with Israel in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

A Narrative Story pre-the 1967 Arab-Israeli War

 Four years before I was born, a great calamity had befallen my family.
The Israeli army murdered three of my four paternal uncles, Hussein (28), Mahmoud (25), and Yousuf (23). The three, all simple and impoverished shepherds, were grazing their flock of sheep and goats near the village of Al-Burj along the so-called armistice line, 22 kilometers south-west of the West Bank town of Hebron. Together with my three uncles, a number of other relatives, including a woman, were also shot dead. In fact, the Israelis not only nearly wiped out my entire family, but also seized our sheep herd, upon which our total livelihood depended to a large extent.

This calamity condemned us to a life of misery and abject poverty for many years to come. The Red Cross and the Red Crescent didn’t run active services in our region at that time, so we were left to endure our fate alone. I remember my late father telling me that the Jordanian government gave us two goats free of charge, as compensation for the tragedy. My family viewed this as a kind of insult added to injury.

Thus, my family had to live in a cave for 21 years. The misery, the suffering, the poverty and the harshness of daily living were conspicuous aspects of our life. Interestingly, to this day, the Israeli government has neither apologized for the crime nor compensated us for our stolen property.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Would zionist jews say “mea culpa”?

Imagine, just imagine,  how rabid and vitriolic Jews would be if they were in my shoes. None the less, these self-absorbed and self-worshiping Zionists still have the Chutzpah to accuse their victims of being ” terrorists and anti-Semites.” Isn’t this discourse tantamount to fornicating with truth and history? Well, in the final analysis, shamelessness has always been and will always be the main feature of being a Zionist Jew!

I don’t know when these Jews will say mea culpa to their Palestinian and other victims. Perhaps when kosher pigs fly!!

Well, I do realize that it is too premature, probably naïve, to even evoke such a question. After all, Israel is still murdering Palestinian children nearly on a daily basis.

Many stories to tell!

Of course, our tragedy didn’t stop at losing three men and a number of other relatives murdered and hundreds of sheep stolen by the Israeli government. Much more had been seized from us six years earlier, in 1948, including our farming land in al-Za’ak, in what is now Israel. We were not even allowed to retrieve our belongings, such as bed coverings, household utensils and probably some money that had been left prior to the expulsion at the hands of armed Jewish gangs.

Anybody who might have tried would have been shot on the spot. I heard of several people who had ventured to reach their former homes just across the border, only to be shot dead after having dug their graves.

The take-no-prisoners policy was consistent with the Israeli strategy of ‘cleansing the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants who constituted the vast majority of the population in mandatory Palestine.

To implement this Nazi-like policy, various Israeli gangs, which came later to form the so-called Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), committed numerous wanton massacres against the Palestinians. Some of the most outrageous massacres included Deir Yassin, Dawaymeh, Tantura, Lud and Qastal, but there were many others. The atrocities, carried out knowingly and deliberately by the Jewish leadership, were aimed at terrorizing the Palestinians into leaving. The message was as clear as it was gruesome. “If you want to stay alive, you’ve got to leave.”

Israeli propaganda during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War would tell the world later that the ‘Arab refugees’ left their homes willingly and were not forced into leaving by the Jude-Nazi gangs. I say Judeo-Nazi because when Jews think, behave and act like Nazis they become Nazis.

Interestingly, the Zionists continue to shamelessly generate such big lies to deceive and mislead world public opinion. I strongly believe that Zionist Jews are God’s lying people.

 They lie as often as they breathe; dishonesty seems to be a built-in Zionist character. You can not be Zionist and honest at the same time.

Moreover, you can’t support Israel unless you are either completely ignorant or irredeemably unconscionable or both.

Israel itself wouldn’t be able to survive five minutes in an environment ruled by truth, honesty and justice.

Zionist Jews would never admit that Israel and Jews ever did any wrongdoing or committed any crime.

A Zionist would even tell God Almighty “you’re a liar.” Didn’t Jews carry signs in the US reading “Allah is on my ass”? ( I got this quote from Alfred Lilienthal’s famous book The Zionist Connection).

Zionist Jews may not be the most murderous people under the sun. However, they are certainly the most dishonest and mendacious.

Moreover, there is no doubt whatsoever that Zionist Jews are the most racist people under the sun. For these Jews, the life of a single Jew is far more important than the lives of a  million non-Jews. For them, non-Jewish life has no sanctity.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Jordanian era

Under Jordanian rule (1951-67), i.e. pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the most important concern for the Jordanian authorities was loyalty to King Hussein and his family. The King was nearly ‘a demi god’ and the entire country, including the media, the security forces and the people revolved around his figure. Hence, the claim often made that Jordan was a king with a country, rather than a country with a king, had a substantial degree of veracity.

Connections to the King and his Mukhabarat (intelligence apparatus) and immediate coterie would automatically put one in a preferential position.

Shouting “Ya’ish Jalalat al Malik al-Muaazam” (Long Live The King), would give one an automatic certificate of good conduct. No wonder, it was a despotic regime based on sycophancy, favouritism, and nepotism.

King Hussein never really made genuine efforts to push back recurrent Israeli incursions, forays and raids on Palestinian population centres in the West Bank pre the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, let alone liberate occupied Palestine. Indeed, the Commander-in-Chief of the Jordanian army in the late 1940s, when Israel was created, and up until March 1, 1956, was a British officer by the name of John Baggot Glubb who came to be known among Palestinians and Jordanians as Glubb Pasha, an honorary title. So, who in his right mind would have expected a British officer to fight the Jews on behalf of the Arabs?

As far as Palestinians were concerned, the most immediate priority for the Jordanian regime i.e. King Hussein was to make sure that they and other Jordanians didn’t pose a threat to the survival, security and stability of the Hashemite monarchy. A Palestinian would get a six-month prison term if an empty bullet cartridge was found in his possession.

And as the Israelis would do later, the Jordanians enlisted the ‘Makhatir’ (clan notables) to inform on every gesture of opposition to the Hashemite rule within their respective clans and areas. This in turn created a kind of police-state atmosphere all over the country.

Free-minded Palestinians who insisted on voicing their conscience were persecuted and dumped into the notorious El-Jafr prison in eastern Jordan where they were often tortured savagely, even to death. I know of a person from my town (Dura) who was tortured to death for his affiliation with the Communist Party.

Torture is still practiced in Jordan with the knowledge, blessing and encouragement of the United States and Britain. Some of the so-called ‘terror suspects’ held by the CIA were secretly flown to Jordan in order to be ‘softened up’ by Jordanian interrogators.

In the mid1950s, the Jordanian security forces on several occasions shot and killed demonstrators who were protesting the pro-Western policies of the government and the regime’s failure and inability to stop recurrent Israeli attacks. Some of these demonstrators were affiliated with or instigated by the Ba’ath party and the Communists who openly called for overthrowing the monarchy.

As a counterbalance to the leftists, who were quite active, especially in the West Bank, King Hussein allowed the Muslim Brotherhood to operate relatively freely. So it was a kind of divide-and-rule policy.

The leftists would accuse the Brotherhood of being British agents and the Brotherhood would retort by accentuating the atheism and enmity to Islam of the Communists and Ba’athists. Hussein’s relations with the Brotherhood remained relatively stable until the final years of his life when he introduced the one-man-one-vote law, aimed primarily at reducing to the minimum the number of parliament seats the well-organized Islamists could win.

Notwithstanding, the Muslim Brotherhood, or the Islamic Action Front, remains Jordan’s largest opposition party, despite government harassment and constant persecution.

The Muslim Brothers were not British agents or agents of any power. They only wanted to create an Islamic state in accordance with the Sharia. In other words, their strategy and goals were diametrically incompatible with those of the Communists and the Ba’athists. Hence, the mutual sullen hostility.

However, to be honest, the Jordanian regime, especially with regard to how the state treated its citizens, was not as bad and harsh  as other Arab regimes, e. g., Syria, Iraq and Egypt. In non-political and non-security matters, the rule of law was generally observed and applied. In general, an individual’s dignity was upheld as long as he or she didn’t criticize the regime or undermine the ‘security of the kingdom.’

More to the point, King Hussein was truly an astute leader. Far from behaving with vindictiveness and vengefulness toward his political opponents, even those who sought to assassinate him and overthrow his regime. The King nearly always pardoned them, showing magnanimity and gallantry unmatched in modern Arab history.

Despite its authoritarianism and despotism, the Jordanian regime never persecuted us in any way even remotely comparable to what the Nazi-like Israelis have been doing to us since 1967. The Jordanians never demolished a home, bulldozed a  farm or arrested people for years without charge or trial as Israel has been doing to us.

Yes, ‘wrongdoers’ were arrested and tried and often tortured, but their families wouldn’t be detained, their homes wouldn’t be bulldozed and their farms, orchards and olive groves wouldn’t be decimated as the Israelis routinely do. Jordan actually granted us full citizenship until the late King Hussein severed legal and administrative ties with the West Bank in 1988.

An outstanding exception occurred in 1970, during the so-called Black September events when the Jordanian army battled with PLO guerrillas who The King claimed were planning to take over Jordan and end the monarchy. Some atrocities were committed during these confrontations and many people, Palestinians and Jordanians, were killed. Nonetheless, the ‘September events’ should be considered a kind of anomaly in The King’s relations with the Palestinians.

In general, one can safely contend that there is no comparison between the Nazi-like Israeli occupation rule and the Jordanian era. The Jordanians were not really occupiers, they never behaved as occupiers. In many ways, The King was our king and the Kingdom was our kingdom. Yes, the regime was authoritarian and generally repressive, but, in all honesty, it cannot be compared to the Israelis whose barbarianism, brutal oppression, racism and  savagery transcend reality.

Nonetheless, Jordan was (and still is) a weak and poor kingdom, economically, politically and especially militarily. The Israeli army routinely carried out cross-border incursions into the West Bank prior to 1967, murdering innocent villagers, and the Jordanian army was generally too weak and too unequipped to repulse the Israeli aggressors.

King Hussein must have calculated that maintaining a peaceable or even quasi-friendly modus vivendi with Israel was the best insurance policy for retaining his kingdom and the rule of his Hashemite dynasty. I think he was wrong in thinking this way. His non-hostility towards Israel didn’t prevent the Jewish state from pursuing its aggressive policies, which culminated in the occupation of the West Bank in 1967.

King Hussein did make a lot of contacts with Israel even before the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. For example, on September 24, 1963, the director-general of the Israeli prime minister’s office, Yaacov Herzog, met the King in the London clinic of the King’s Jewish physician, Dr. Emmanuel Herbert.

Another meeting took place in Paris in 1965 and Israel was represented by Golda Meir, who was accompanied by Herzog.

It is also believed that Hussein had lots of contacts with the Israeli state through the alumni offices of Boston University.

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Gaza’s Broken Daily Life: Weddings, Tents and Hospitals Under Fire and Siege

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Gaza’s heinous genocide is no longer confined to moments of direct attack. It is now visible in the complete breakdown of daily life itself. Families are still being butchered vehemently in places where they had sought shelter. To worsen these matters, shortages of fuel, engine oil, gas, and spare parts are crippling hospitals, bakeries, rescue vehicles, water systems, and ordinary transport.

A Tent Camp Hit in Gaza City

On June 6, despite the so-called “ceasefire,” an Israeli air attack hit a tent camp in Gaza City where displaced Palestinians were sheltering. Resultantly, at least seven people were killed, while at least 15 others were injured, many of them treated in intensive care. Women and children were believed to be among the casualties. The strike hit a United Nations school compound that had become a shelter for displaced families.

These were displaced people already living with the consequences of bombardment, evacuation, and loss. A tent camp is meant to be a temporary refuge for families with nowhere else to go. When such a place is hit, it deepens the fear that no civilian space is beyond danger.

A Wedding Turned Into Mourning

Moreover, the Gaza City strike by Israel targeted a tent next to another tent where a wedding appeared to be taking place. Unfortunately, earlier the same day, a strike in Khan Younis killed a man who was scheduled to be married later that day. His cousin said the family had prepared for the wedding but was instead attending his funeral.

This detail shows how deeply the genocide has entered private life. A wedding in Gaza is not just a celebration but an attempt to preserve social life despite displacement, hunger, and fear. When a groom is killed on the day of his wedding, even brief moments of normality remain exposed to violence.

The Ceasefire Gap

The attacks came amid discussions over the Gaza ceasefire process. Specifically, Hamas was preparing for meetings in Egypt on the implementation of the ceasefire agreement, while several Israeli attacks across Gaza that day killed at least nine people. Gaza remains under Israeli military control, and the second phase of the agreement has been stalled for months.

For people, the real meaning of a ceasefire depends on whether people can sleep safely, gather without fear, reach hospitals, and rebuild some predictable rhythm of life. If strikes continue and basic services keep failing, the gap between imaginative political claims and reality remains painfully wide.

The Shortages Freezing Daily Life

Alongside these unprovoked attacks, Gaza is facing another severe pressure due to a shortage of gas, engine oil, and spare parts. Undoubtedly, these shortages are affecting emergency services, bakeries, water supplies, and hospitals. Items that may sound technical outside Gaza now decide whether a generator runs, a vehicle moves, bread is baked, and whether water can be pumped.

These shortages are damaging daily life in connected ways:

  • Hospitals need generators and spare parts to keep operating rooms functioning
  • Bakeries need power and maintenance materials to continue producing bread
  • Water systems need energy supplies, chemicals and parts to keep desalination and pumping services running.

Hospitals and Rescue Services Under Pressure

Hospitals have been among the most vulnerable since October 2023. Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in central Gaza warned of an imminent health disaster after extreme power failures affected surgical operating rooms. Moreover, all of its generators have stopped working while summer heat is expected to place more pressure on the remaining equipment.

This is not a minor operational issue as Gaza’s remaining hospitals are already treating genocidal injuries, malnutrition, infections and chronic illness in overcrowded conditions. If generators fail, surgical care, emergency treatment, refrigeration, lighting, and essential equipment are all affected. Gaza’s authorities have also warned that fire and rescue operations risk coming to a halt as vehicles break down due to shortages of spare parts, fuel and engine oil.

Bread, Water and Survival

Food and water systems are also largely affected. Bakeries depend on fuel, generators, and maintenance materials, while water systems need energy supplies, chemicals, and spare parts. UNICEF data showed that seawater desalination output had fallen to about 16,000 cubic metres per day, compared with 20,000 in March, due to the restrictions on essential supplies. In a densely displaced population, any reduction in water production quickly becomes a public health concern.

This is why Gaza’s broken daily life must be understood as a connected genocidal crisis. The strike on a tent camp, the killing of a groom, the failure of hospital generators, the collapse of rescue vehicles and the shortage of water-production supplies are not separate stories. Together, they show how civilian life is being attacked directly and indirectly at the same time.

In a nutshell, until these conditions change, daily life in Gaza will remain trapped between immediate violence and the gradual destruction of everything needed to survive.

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Gaza’s Water Crisis: When Thirst Becomes a Weapon of War

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Gazas-Water-Crisis

In Gaza, water is no longer something families can expect to find when they need it. It has become a daily search, a health risk, and a painful measure of how deeply daily life has collapsed. For thousands of displaced families, the day begins with containers, queues, extreme uncertainty, and the fear that even the little water they manage to collect may not be enough for drinking, cooking, washing, or protecting children from deadly diseases.

This is not a normal shortage caused by dry weather or poor planning. Gaza’s water crisis is part of the genocide stretched far beyond its limits.

“Water is life and the right to life is a basic human right.”

When water systems fail, the impact is immediate and personal. A family cannot cook properly; a mother cannot keep her child clean, and a wounded person cannot wash safely. Thirst becomes only one part of a much wider and often unseen disaster.

Gaza’s Children Are Living With Daily Water Uncertainty

UNICEF’s latest Water, Sanitation and Hygiene report paints a devastating picture. It highlights that 1.1 million children in Gaza face daily water uncertainty, while 82% of families remain water insecure. Even more alarming, up to 70% of people are unable to collect the minimum six litres per person per day needed only for drinking and cooking. UNICEF and partners are still trying to support emergency water services through trucked water, desalination, wells, and limited network supply, but access and operating conditions remain highly restricted.

Six litres is an extremely small amount when seen against real family needs. It may help someone survive the day, but it does not allow a household to live with dignity. Families need water for hygiene, laundry, cleaning shelters, caring for infants, supporting the elderly, preparing food safely, and preventing disease. In Gaza, these normal needs have become difficult choices.

More specifically, children suffer first in such conditions. They are more vulnerable to dehydration, diarrhoeal disease, skin infections, and the emotional stress of living in dirty, overcrowded spaces. Many have already lost homes, schools, routines, and safety. Now even the simplest comfort, a clean drink of water, is uncertain.

The Collapse of Water Systems Is Deepening the Genocide

Gaza’s water emergency is not only about empty containers. It is a deliberate genocidal strategy by Israel. Water primarily depends on pumps, wells, desalination plants, pipes, electricity, fuel, chemicals, spare parts, engineers, drivers, and safe roads. Most of these parts have either been destroyed or entirely blocked by Israel.

In another report, UNICEF states that seawater desalination output fell from 20,000 cubic metres per day in March to 16,000 cubic metres per day because of shortages of chemicals and spare parts. It also says shortages of engine oil, lubricating oil, and other essential items are disrupting water production and related services.

The Al Mansoura filling point shows how fragile the system has become. Water-trucking operations there were suspended after two UNICEF-contracted truck drivers were killed in April. UNICEF says the site had been critical for the daily drinking-water access of 285,000 people, and partners are now trucking water from desalination plants at an additional cost of about $40,000 per day to replace the two million litres previously collected from that point.

Sanitation Failure Turns Thirst Into Disease

When clean water disappears, sanitation collapses simultaneously. Gaza’s overcrowded displacement sites are already under severe pressure, and the lack of proper water makes hygiene almost impossible. Waste accumulates, pests spread, and families are forced to live in conditions where preventable diseases can move quickly.

OCHA’s latest humanitarian report warned that health risks from pests and rodents remain high because access to landfills is restricted and essential sanitation items remain difficult to bring in. It also highlighted UNICEF’s warning that water shortages are forcing families into a daily trade-off between drinking, hygiene, and disease prevention.

This is where the crisis becomes especially cruel. A family may know what it needs to do to stay healthy, but knowledge is not enough when there is no water, no soap, no proper waste collection, and no safe place to live. Parents are not failing their children, but the conditions around them are failing every basic standard of human protection.

Aid Is Shrinking While Needs Keep Growing

The emergency response is also under serious strain due to Israel’s complete blockade of all borders, especially the Rafah border. OCHA reports that since mid-May, four partners have been forced to start phasing out water-trucking activities because of funding shortages. Some have already stopped, while others are expected to complete the phase-out by mid-June. As a result, more than 330,000 people across around 250 sites risk losing their primary drinking-water source.

For people outside Gaza, this may sound like a usual problem, but for a displaced family, it means tomorrow’s water may not arrive. In a place where markets are broken, movement is dangerous, and public services are shattered, losing a water-trucking route can immediately push families toward death.

Thirst as a Test of the World’s Conscience

Water is one of the clearest measures of human dignity. Without it, people cannot remain healthy, clean, or safe. In Gaza, the water crisis shows how genocide destroyed life even beyond the moment of Israel’s attacks. It continues through damaged pipes, stalled pumps, empty tanks, contaminated surroundings, and children growing up around scarcity.

The world should not wait until disease spreads further or water systems break beyond repair. Gaza needs safe humanitarian access, fuel, spare parts, treatment chemicals, protected workers, restored sanitation services, and sustained funding for emergency water delivery. Most of all, people need protection from the conditions that are turning basic survival into a daily struggle.

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Gaza Flotilla Activists Face Extreme Israeli Abuse as the World Watches the Blockade’s Brutality

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The Global Sumud Flotilla, which was made up of 40 vessels, tried to sail towards Gaza with much-needed humanitarian aid and a direct challenge to Israel’s blockade. Unfortunately, Israeli forces intercepted the boats in international waters and detained around 430 activists.

It is not a story of a blocked aid mission but a collection of facts revolving around intense abuse, humiliation, anger, and a brutal reminder of what Gaza’s blockade really means. For the people of Gaza, the flotilla is a symbol of hope, but for Israel, it is being perceived as a threat to its heinous genocidal mission.

A Hope Against the Siege

For decades, Gaza’s people have lived under an intense blockade that restricts movement, controls access to goods, separates families, and turns humanitarian relief into a political bargaining tool. Since Israel’s genocide in Gaza intensified, the siege has become even deadlier.

Hunger, destroyed hospitals, mass displacement, disease, and extreme shortages of fuel and medicine now shape daily life. This is why flotilla mattered, but the question that the world is asking is legitimate: Why should food, medicine, and solidarity be treated as crimes?

The flotilla, as a hope for the people of Gaza, who are suffering from famine and diseases, was intercepted by Israel about 250 miles or roughly 400 km off Gaza’s coast. These aid vessels were still far from Gaza when Israeli forces illegally captured them from international waters.

Analysts are highlighting that these flotilla activists, who volunteered from more than 40 countries, were not entering an Israeli city or attacking any military base. In fact, they were sailing through open waters to help innocent people who were dying of extreme hunger and bombardment.

Extreme Abuse by Israel

After the release of some of the detainees, they described inhumane treatment that had never been imagined before. South African activists highlighted that they were electrically shocked, denied water, food, and toilets, and were kept in abysmal conditions.

Moreover, most of the activists said that they were sexually assaulted in a very harsh manner. Some other activists also reported extreme beating and humiliation. For example, 15 cases of sexual assault, including rape, have been reported during May 2026.

Ben-Gvir Turned Humiliation into Spectacle

The most shameful moment came from Israeli minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Even the government of France banned him from entering French territory after he taunted zip-tied detainees and waved an Israeli flag over them. France’s foreign minister called his actions “unspeakable,” and Poland also imposed a five-year ban.

He also shared footage of restrained activists, triggering international outrage and calls for broader European sanctions.

This was not hidden mistreatment accidentally exposed. It was deliberately performed, and the minister chose to stand over bound detainees and turn their humiliation into a political message.

When a genocidal state official proudly films powerless detainees, cruelty is no longer a secret, but a policy theatre.

Airport Violence Added Another Layer

It did not end with unlawful detention and punishment, as another episode of extreme humiliation was shown at the airport. At the Bilbao Airport, after some activists returned from Israeli detention, police harshly beat them. Videos showed some police officers brutally beating and dragging humanitarian activists.

This was just a glimpse of how Israel treats people who come to help humanity. They were maltreated in such an inhumane way to make them an example for the world. Anyone who comes to Gaza to help people will either be killed or detained in death-like prisons.

In this scenario, words are not enough as Palestinians remain heavily trapped, and those trying to reach them are harshly beaten, detained, deported, or killed. Condemnation must turn into legal action, sanctions, arms restrictions, diplomatic costs, and pressure to end the genocide.

The World Saw the Blockade’s Face

Israel may deny everything, but the world knows about its genocidal policies far better than ever before. It may deport activists and call the flotilla a provocation, but this episode revealed something the world should not unsee.

Even some activists from Brazil and Spain are still detained by Israel, and they are being punished in unprecedented ways. In this regard, Amnesty International also reported several injuries to these flotilla activists during detention.

After observing all this, one thing is certain: Israel is trying to eliminate Palestine from the world map and make every effort to stop necessary aid from reaching Gaza. Nobody can imagine the instances of cruelty by Israel in the 21st century. Even the International Court of Justice has urged this prolonged genocide to be stopped as soon as possible; otherwise, life in Gaza is under extreme threat.

Gaza’s isolation is being enforced with extreme cruelty. This time, the world did not have to imagine it. It is already watching!

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