Connect with us

Featured

Iran Iraq War-The Long Fought Battle still Resounds

Published

on

Thirty-five years ago, one of the longest battles of the past century broke out. Yet the echoes of today persist as a bloody eight-year conflict between Iran and Iraq. “The war is still going on on many fronts,” the Iraqi poet and writer Sinan Antoon reflects that he grew up in Baghdad.

“Our neighbour lost both legs in the battle,” remembers Antoon, currently an associate professor at the Gallatin School at New York University. “If Saddam Hussein gives up his fighting in 1990, my neighbour replied, ‘Why have I lost my legs?’ It is believed that one million lives have been destroyed. A whole generation was scarred on all sides of the rift.

The lessons gained have already been gained in an area now overwhelmed by fire-destroyed proxy wars between the international and international powers. Syria, Iraq, and Yemen have been all torn up by growing fault lines: Sunni Shia, Persians against the Arabs, and “Fresh Cold War” alliances established in Moscow-Washington. Iraq was under the oppressive control of Saddam Hussein, who was eventually overthrown, convicted, and assassinated in reaction to the 2003 U.S.-led invasion.

Nearby Iran was governed by Ayatollah Khomeini, who had just returned from exile to direct the 1979 Iranian Revolt that had forced out the Shah. His nation was battled by a clash with his arch-rival Saddam to strengthen his uprising against home foes.

Olden Battle

After months of growing cross-border tension, the conflict escalated in September 1980. Iraqi troops marched several hundred miles to Iranian territory and their warplanes entered Tehran Airport.

“While Sadam is legitimately liable for an illegal invasion, Khomeini provoked subversion and massive propaganda,” argues Professor Mansur Farhang, who was Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations until a year before the war and partnered with foreign brokers to avoid it in the first years of the war.

As the war continued, foreign allies helped both parties, and Iraq was a key source of economic and military aid from the United States. Iran’s military powers were also inspired by the astonishment of its front-flooded soldiers.

While it became regarded as the “olden battle” over the years, Iran and Iraq proceeded to pay an incredibly high amount. Output the world has woken up to the magnitude of the devastation as Saddam has launched violence against Iranian enemies through chemical bombs and backed through his Iraqi Kurds.

Iran was still seeking to find a way out when the American cruiser USS Vincennes murdered 290 passengers on Iran Air Flight 655 in July 1988. The US administration expressed ‘strong sorrow’ but intensified Iran’s concern that Washington would deliberately engage in this conflagration. Ayatollah Khomeini has described his preliminary decision to support the UN resolution to end hostilities as ‘drinking poison.’

Iran’s Influence over Iraq

Three decades later we use the description to define the harsh decision taken to welcome world powers, including the US, by their successor Ayatollah Khamenei this year to significantly shorten its nuclear program. But today Iran has firm influence over Iraq’s firm Shia leadership and several well-armed militias in the area. And Iraq has gone from war to war since 1988 and has now been grappling with the terrifying emergence of the “Islamic State,” a virulent rebellion against the Shia law.

Within an 8 year of the war, Ayatollah Khomeini tried to unite the Shia group in Iraq and could not organize them. Nevertheless, racial tensions persist for most of the violence that now cuts into Iraq’s very existence as a united state.

And neighboring Syria is a battleground between Iran-Russia-supported forces of President Assad and Arab-Western armed opposition factions. The most devastating thing of all, the rising misery of millions of citizens now forced from home is the massive influx of desperate asylum seekers to Europe.

Iraqi Ahmed al-Mushatat, who was embroiled in a dispute in the 1980s after his medical studies, is now a frequent chapter in the region: “We assumed it might never stop. Wars are officially done. But today’s tensions threaten to further perpetuate the tensions of the last century.

Consequences of war

The tale of “futile battle” springs to mind as you want to look critically and retrospectively at the Iran-Iraq war. Who lost? Who lost? Or, maybe you might wonder, who won the fight at the end of almost ten years? There were air and land fights along the 1,000-kilometer frontier, and neither Iraq nor Iran could claim a lasting success nor impose its will and policy on the August 20, 1988, ceasefire.

Much Iraqi youth were involved in the fighting and post-traumatic disorder was already struggling for those fortunate enough to be unscathed on the war front. The war also produced a century of widows and orphans in which Iraqi society in its entirety could not rebound from nor reintegrate the state because of the Gulf War of 1991 and subsequent sanctions.

Iraqis were tricked into this relentless War by the accumulation of high domestic debt and the crippling consequences on their oil economies. A Jingoistic approach, the Baathist propaganda machine branded the Iran-Iraq War as the “Eastern Arab World border defence from Iranian hegemony,” thus raising the dependence of Arab neighbours and Western states – like the US – who opposed the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran.

This gap between Iraq’s strong demands for Gulf Cooperation Council Countries (GCC) incentives mirrored their absence of reaction and empathy, which further raised tensions and aggressive Saddam-led policies. Ordinary Iraqis felt that the GCC countries were pushing and using them to stop Iran’s drive at the time to spread its Islamic revolution. To make matters worse, there has never been financial assistance and settlement promised to Iraq by any of the GCC countries during the 1980-1988 war.

Economic and Social Collapse

Consequently, Iraqis consider the conclusion of the Iran-Iraq war as the starting point of the economic and social collapse of their nations. The oil boom of the 1970s and its parallel economic development finally only substituted in the 1990s for isolationism. For ordinary Iraqis, Matt, Hana, or “the grinder,” comes to mind as the first word in the description of the Iran-Iraq War. Saddam invaded Kuwait in August 1990, which later triggered the paralyzing multilateral sanctions against Iraq and, probably, the 2003 US invasion of the country.

Has the Iran-Iraq War hits its goals? Well, on which side it is studied. It depends. While the eight-year war hindered Tehran and Baghdad’s economic development, it created a zero-sum culture between the two countries and left the Middle East volatile and dysfunctional. It is not a minor occurrence to ignore and historians do not treat it as a typical community boundary battle. The implications of this mechanism are not well known and, to say the least, have led to the development of a generation of Iraqis and Iranians who overruled the diplomacy and soft power which are now evident in their use of military and covert operations.

Around the same time, the war led to a distinct polarization within the Arab World by claiming positions and choosing sides. Syria and Libya were side by side with Tehran, while Baghdad was side by side with Egypt, Jordan, and much of the GCC. By 1988 a new strategic map of allies and enemies had been created.

The Iran-Iraq war has prompted sectarianism to increase in the Middle East. It became an instrument and an excuse for intensified political sectarianism used by Baghdad and Tehran and their regional supporters. By the end of the war, its sectarian character and its propagation as such were a symbol of a growing topic in the Middle East.

The GCC states may have spoken in the words “Arab” and “Persian,” but they said the words “Sunni” and “Shia.” Saudi Arabia and other nearby Arab countries felt threatened with Shia membership by the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Saddam was then championed by Sunni Muslims in the wake of the current movement headed by Ayatollah. Iraqi Shias were the first victim of this newly developed sectarianism, as evidenced by the result of the Iraqi revolts in the south in 1991.

Thirty years later, amid the difficulties of the Gulf War in 1991, strict multilateral sanctions, and the US occupation in 2003, generations of Iraqis have yet to erase the wounds of the unsuccessful Iran-Iraq war. Its effects are still felt today in the Middle East.

Featured

Gaza’s Future Is Being Negotiated at UNGA While Palestinians Remain Trapped

Published

on

Gazas-Future-Is-Being-Negotiated-at-UNGA-While-Palestinians-Remain-Trapped

Gaza’s future is being discussed in rooms far from the people still living inside its ruins. At the United Nations General Assembly in New York this year, diplomats spoke about recovery, reconstruction, governance, aid, security, and statehood. Plans were presented, statements were issued, and powerful governments tried to shape what comes after Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

Yet Palestinians in Gaza remain trapped between destroyed homes, restricted movement, unreliable aid, and the fear that international promises will become another layer of control. The question is not whether the world can announce another plan. The question is whether Palestinians will be allowed to rebuild their own future with freedom and dignity.

A Recovery Plan With Big Numbers

On the sidelines of UNGA, Trump’s Board of Peace presented a six-month Gaza recovery plan worth $2.45 billion. The proposal includes 66 programmes covering infrastructure, economic recovery, human development, digital systems, legal affairs, peace and security.

Although the numbers sound large, Gaza’s destruction is far larger. The plan estimates physical damage at $35.2 billion, while full recovery and reconstruction may require about $71.4 billion over the next decade. That gap alone shows how limited a short-term package can be.

More importantly, Gaza is not only short of money. In fact, it is short of freedom. Roads cannot be repaired without machinery. Hospitals cannot function without fuel, medicine, and safe supply routes. Likewise, schools cannot reopen properly when children are displaced, teachers are living in tents, and families fear another heinous Israeli attack.

A recovery plan cannot work if Gaza remains under genocide, siege, military pressure, and political uncertainty.

International Support Still Faces Israel’s Control

Foreign ministers from numerous Islamic countries, including Qatar, Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Indonesia, Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia also met in New York during UNGA and expressed concern over Gaza’s ongoing genocide and suffering. They extended their support for the recovery efforts but also called on Israel to fulfil its commitments, including safe aid access, early recovery supplies and rehabilitation of critical infrastructure.

These statements show that major Arab and Muslim countries want Gaza’s genocide kept on the global agenda. It also links recovery with Palestinian self-determination and statehood.

However, statements cannot rebuild Gaza if Israel still controls the practical conditions of life illegally.

Netanyahu’s Election Shadow

These UNGA discussions are taking place as Israel heads towards its October 27, 2026 election. Netanyahu is again campaigning as Israel’s protector, using familiar security language despite the failures exposed by October 7 and the global backlash over Gaza genocide.

This matters a lot because Israeli elections often turn Palestinian life into campaign material. Gaza’s reconstruction, Israeli withdrawal, humanitarian access and Palestinian governance can all be delayed or hardened when politicians compete to appear tougher.

At the UN, Netanyahu defended Israel while many delegates walked out. He framed Israel’s genocides as a fight across several fronts, trying to shift attention from Palestinian civilians to Israel’s security narrative. But the destruction of Gaza cannot be hidden behind campaign language. Israel’s genocide has left Palestinians without homes, hospitals, schools, safety, and normal life that is apparent.

Gaza Is Not a Bargaining Chip

Gaza is now tied to a wider Middle East struggle involving Israel, Iran, Lebanon, Yemen, Red Sea routes, US strategy, Arab normalisation, and Gulf diplomacy. Powerful states treat Gaza as one file in a regional settlement.

But in reality, Palestinians are not bargaining chips. They are the people whose land was destroyed, children were killed, homes were turned into rubble, and the future is being discussed without enough Palestinian power in the room.

Recovery or Control?

There is a significant difference between rebuilding Gaza and managing Gaza.

Rebuilding means restoring homes, hospitals, schools, water, electricity, jobs, movement, and Palestinian political rights. While managing means controlling aid, delaying materials, conditioning governance, and keeping Palestinians dependent on permission.

The Board of Peace plan may become useful if it opens the way to real reconstruction, Palestinian unity and freedom. But if it rebuilds selected projects while Israel keeps control, it risks becoming another mechanism for managing Palestinians inside a destroyed territory.

In fact, Gaza does not need to be treated forever as a humanitarian project. It needs to be rebuilt as part of a free Palestine.

In a nutshell, UNGA speeches, recovery funds and international statements will matter only if they lead to Palestinian return, reconstruction, self-determination and safety. Gaza’s future cannot be built in New York alone. It must be built by Palestinians, in Palestine, with freedom at the centre.

Continue Reading

Featured

Gaza’s Exiles Are Still Waiting to Return

Published

on

Gazas-Exiles-Are-Still-Waiting-to-Return

They left Gaza to survive, not to disappear completely. More than 100,000 Palestinians from Gaza remain overseas after fleeing Israel’s genocide. Some escaped through Egypt for medical treatment, while others left with wounded children, elderly parents, or whatever relatives they could still protect.

Many expect to return once the bombing stops and a real ceasefire actually takes place. They remain scattered across Cairo, Turkey, and other countries, watching their homeland from a distance while the path back remains blocked by insecurity, destroyed homes, and genocide.

As per credible sources, only around 7,000 Palestinians have returned to Gaza. For the rest, exile has become a waiting room without a clear door out. Israel still controls more than 60% of the territory, airstrikes continue, and most Palestinians inside Gaza remain crowded into areas of temporary shelter with inadequate aid and no real reconstruction in sight.

Unfortunately, this is not ordinary migration. It is not the search for a better salary, a foreign passport, or a comfortable life abroad. In fact, it is forced displacement shaped by bombing, grief, closed crossings and the fear that temporary escape may become permanent removal.

Leaving Was Not Abandonment

The powerful story of Omar al-Hassayna shows the scale of the wound. He fled Gaza for Cairo after an Israeli strike destroyed apartment buildings in Gaza City where relatives had gathered for shelter. Consequently, around 308 members of his extended family were killed in that attack. His wife, four adult sons and four small grandchildren were among the dead. In August, he watched from Cairo as relatives buried 112 family members whose bodies had been recovered from the rubble, while dozens were still missing.

A man carrying that grief is not a migrant who has “moved on.” In reality, he is a survivor whose family, business, neighbourhood, and future were torn apart by Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Like thousands of others abroad, he is not free in the way outsiders imagine. He is safe from the immediate bomb, but not free from Gaza. His dead are there along with his memories and identity.

That is why the language matters. To call these Palestinians simply “overseas” or “abroad” misses the violence behind their absence. Many were pushed out by conditions Israel created: mass bombardment, destroyed hospitals, starvation, rubble-filled streets, and the collapse of ordinary life. Their displacement cannot be separated from the machinery that made Gaza unlivable.

The Right to Return Is Not Sentiment

For Palestinians, return is not nostalgia, but a political and moral right.

In reality, a person cannot be told to leave under fire and then be treated as though their absence has weakened their claim to home. A family does not lose Gaza because it crossed into Egypt to save a wounded child. A mother does not lose her street because her house was bombed. Likewise, a refugee does not stop being Palestinian because the world finds their return inconvenient.

This is why Gaza’s new exile carries the shadow of the Nakba. Palestinians know what can happen when “temporary” displacement becomes permanent. In 1948, families who believed they would soon return became refugees for generations. Today, many Gazans fear the same pattern.

In this regard, Reuters reported that some Israeli politicians have urged policies encouraging Gaza’s population to leave and preventing those who left from returning. That is not a minor political detail. It reveals why Palestinians are right to fear that displacement is not only a side effect of Israel’s genocide, but one of its possible outcomes.

Families Scattered Across Countries

Unfortunately, Gaza’s exile has split families into pieces. One daughter may be in Turkey for medical reasons, while her brother is in Cairo. A widow may be living with children in another rented room. Other relatives may still be inside Gaza, surviving in tents or damaged buildings. The family WhatsApp group becomes a map of loss – who escaped, who stayed, who died, who is missing, who cannot cross back.

These separations do not end when the genocidal bombing pauses. They continue in residency problems, unpaid rent, temporary visas, medical bills, language barriers, and the humiliation of depending on savings or charity. Many Gazans abroad cannot work legally or plan long-term. They are not fully settled where they are, yet Gaza remains unsafe and unreconstructed.

This is how genocide continues beyond the battlefield. It breaks the bonds that allow a people to live together, including a home, street, school, work, burial, marriage, memory, and return.

Continue Reading

Featured

NAZA: The Israeli Soldiers Testifying About Gaza’s Civilian Deaths

Published

on

NAZA-The-Israeli-Soldiers-Testifying-About-Gazas-Civilian-Deaths

During the last week of August, an Israeli strike hit a building in Bureij refugee camp. Unfortunately, some families could not escape. A four-year-old innocent boy was killed, while his mother and sister were wounded. Moreover, Israel also struck Shati refugee camp, saying weapons were stored inside two mosques but providing no public evidence.

Such attacks are why NAZA cannot be treated as a film about some past violence. It arrived while Palestinians were still being brutally killed by the military system its witnesses describe.

What the Word “NAZA” Hides

NAZA is a Hebrew military acronym for “collateral damage.” It refers to the number of civilians expected to die in an approved strike.

Shockingly, the term turns a mother, a child, or an entire family into a figure beside a proposed target. Their deaths are not discovered only after the bomb falls. According to testimony in the film, they can be anticipated before an attack is authorised.

In fact, the documentary challenges Israel’s claim that Gaza’s civilian toll resulted mainly from accidents, individual failures, or Hamas operating among civilians.

Twenty-Four Voices From Inside the System

The film was directed by renowned Israeli journalists Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, who worked on the Oscar-winning No Other Land. They spent three straight years gathering testimony from 24 Israeli soldiers and intelligence officers.

The interviews were recorded secretly on Tel Aviv rooftops. The faces and voices of these officers were altered because the participants feared retaliation. Some spoke with guilt, while others appeared indifferent or proud. The directors kept the focus on what they did rather than how they felt.

The witnesses describe surveillance, casualty estimates and remote bombing. Several discuss AI-assisted systems that processed information taken from thousands of Palestinian phones. Calls, locations and personal connections could help identify an alleged Hamas member.

One account describes words detected through a child’s phone indicating that her father had returned home. That information could trigger an airstrike on the family residence. Many people identified by these systems were alleged low-ranking members, yet their homes could be bombed while relatives were present.

In fact, an algorithm did not make these decisions alone. Officers supplied the data, commanders set the rules and human beings approved the attacks.

Families Were Included in the Calculation

One insider claims that approval was granted for an attack expected to kill 500 civilians to strike one Hamas member. The Israeli military has denied planning or approving an operation with 500 anticipated deaths.

That denial must be acknowledged, but it does not answer the testimony. Several witnesses describe civilians receiving an acceptable casualty number before strikes. They also describe attacks in which the suspected target was not confirmed inside the building.

Additionally, other accounts concern Palestinians killed after entering exclusion zones that residents could not see. Witnesses also discuss attacks near aid distribution points. Israel acknowledged that civilians were harmed at these locations and said it changed its rules.

The pattern described is not a handful of soldiers disobeying orders. It is a method built into targeting decisions.

The Refugee Camps Show the Killing Has Not Ended

The Bureij attack was not an isolated act of genocide. During the first week of September, 17-year-old Ibrahim al-Hash was killed in an Israeli drone strike in Jabalia refugee camp. Eight days later, drones struck Nuseirat camp and wounded several Palestinians, some critically. Israeli forces also opened fire near Jabalia.

These are densely populated communities where generations of Palestinians displaced during the Nakba have lived. Their homes and shelters have deliberately been attacked throughout the genocide.

Israel says its strikes target militants, weapons stores or people entering restricted areas. In reality, its explanations often come without evidence that families or independent investigators can examine.

By the second week of September, Gaza’s Health Ministry reported that Israel had killed 1,369 Palestinians and wounded 4,627 since the October 2025 ceasefire. The wider toll since October 2023 had reached at least 73,783 killed and 174,738 wounded.

Palestinians Had Already Told the World

NAZA does not make Palestinian suffering true because Israelis now describe it. Palestinian journalists, doctors, rescue workers and survivors have documented attacks on homes, hospitals, schools, tents and aid seekers throughout the genocide.

Their testimony was doubted or placed beneath Israeli military statements. The film matters significantly because people who operated the surveillance and targeting systems now describe the machinery in its own language.

Their accounts support a record Palestinians had already built with their blood, photographs and names.

Israel Turned on the Filmmakers

NAZA received a 25-minute ovation at the Venice Film Festival and won the Special Jury Prize. However, Israel’s leadership responded with fury.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the documentary antisemitic incitement. Their military chief Eyal Zamir accused it of falsehoods and directed military lawyers to examine possible action. Culture Minister Miki Zohar asked officials to consider stripping Abraham and Szor of their citizenship for alleged disloyalty.

This is not Antisemitism but evidence of Israeli crimes against Palestinians. The response also shows why insider testimony is dangerous. Palestinian witnesses are routinely dismissed as hostile. Israeli officers describing the same system are harder to silence.

Testimony Must Become Accountability

NAZA has broken through part of Israel’s machinery of denial. It presents insiders describing a system in which Palestinian families could be counted before they were killed.

Although a documentary cannot stop the next airstrike, its evidence must lead to independent investigations, an end to military support and accountability for those who designed, approved and protected the system.

Otherwise, NAZA will remain more than a film title. It will remain the cold number placed beside another Palestinian home.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending