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Explaining Iran’s Islamic Revolution and its Legacy

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Explaining Iran's Islamic Revolution and its legacy.

The protests in Iran today have raised many questions on the Islamic Revolution and its legacy. This article explains Khomeinism as a political ideology and attempts to answer why Iran failed to export its revolution to other Islamic countries.

Analyzing Ervand Abrahamian’s Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic (1993) and Simon Wolfgang Fuchs’ “A Direct Flight to Revolution: Maududi, Divine Sovereignty, and the 1979-Moment in Iran”, this article argues that: (i) Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was politically expedient. He dressed a selection of Western political concepts in Islamic language and justified as well as historicized his ideas using examples from the history of Shia Islam. (ii) Iran was unable to export its revolution to other parts of the world, including its Muslim majority neighbouring countries like Pakistan because it had found the instrument of mobilization and justification for its revolution in the history of Shia Islam.

Khomeini was a Populist?

Abrahamian argues that the term “fundamentalist” that is usually used to label Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is not only confusing but also misleading in the context of the Iranian Revolution. He gives eight reasons to argue that Khomeini was not a fundamentalist. Further, the author goes into Khomeini’s ideology and views- especially his views on the state and the society, the Constitution of Iran and Khomeini’s political testament to argue that the term “populist” better fits Khomeini because his views and his actions resemble Latin American populism.

The author further highlights various conceptual inconsistencies in Khomeini’s ideas. There are several instances when Khomeini reacted to the emerging circumstances by changing his views, hence he was politically expedient. For years he had argued against women’s suffrage because it was un-Islamic but then Iran’s constitution implemented universal adult suffrage and Khomeini now argued that it was un-Islamic to deprive women of their voting rights. Hence, what was earlier un-Islamic later became Islamic. Khomeini essentially did a political interpretation of Islam (Quran and Islamic history) and dressed several Western political concepts like enqelab (revolution), jomhuri (republic), tabaqat (classes) in the Islamic language to make them appealing to the Muslim majority masses of Iran. Since Iran is a Shia majority nation, he provided justification for his views from Shia history. Khomeinism, thus, instrumentalized Islam for bringing about a revolution in Iran. However, it raises several questions- why would the masses follow? Why would they accept inconsistencies in Khomeini’s thought, especially when something that was considered un-Islamic earlier was declared Islamic later? Since politically expedient means were deployed to bring about the revolution, was the Iranian Revolution more about the consolidation of Shia identity in the world rather than an Islamic revolution?

Also Read: Mahsa Amini: Iranian Women Are Leading an Extraordinary Revolution

Why Iran was not able to Export its Revolution?

Fuchs explores the engagement of Pakistan’s Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) with the post-revolutionary Iran. He analyses various JI leaders’ travelogues and several JI publications to argue that initially JI was enthusiastic about the revolution but it slowly grew concerned about the same around the early 1980s. JI initially thought that the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the realization of JI founder Maududi’s concept of hakimiyya ilahiyya (God’s sovereignty). In order to not miss the woods for the trees, they first ignored the sectarian implications of the revolution. They also turned blind eye to the top-down model of the revolution. Since JI has always advocated the bottom-up approach to bring about Islamicization of the society, Iranian Revolution did not fit into their ideology.

However, when it was apparent that it was the Shia history of Islam and the Shia model of governance that was being deployed in Iran, JI grew concerned. At home, JI also found itself being called out by Sunni organizations for appeasing and being soft on Shia. In order to highlight the JI’s distancing from the Iranian Revolution, Fuchs cites the example of the absence of Irani delegation and absence of any mention of the Iranian Revolution at a seminar hosted by JI in Lahore in November 1989, where several international delegations were present, to discuss the questions and the challenges facing the ‘Muslim World’. Fuchs does not however inform if there was any Shia Islamist organization from any other country present at all among the 30 organizations that were represented at the seminar.

Anyway, JI’s engagement with post-revolutionary Iran raises a question- did JI expect too much from Khomeini? As argued by Abrahamian, Khomeini was pragmatic and in order to get support from the majority, it was realistic for him to address his message to the Shia majority population of Iran.  

Since it is apparent that Khomeini’s selective use of history and language of Shia Islam appeared sectarian to JI, forcing the organization to practice social distancing from the revolution, it would be safe to assume, within the context of the information provided by Abrahamian and Fuchs, that Iran was unable to inspire a revolution in other Muslim majority countries, like its neighbouring country Pakistan, primarily because it adopted the language and history of Shia Islam. That would explain why Iran has not been able to export its revolution to other Islamic countries.      

Also Read: The US and Israel are Weaponizing Iran Protests

Conclusion

This article analysed Ervand Abrahamian’s Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic (1993) and Simon Wolfgang Fuchs’ “A Direct Flight to Revolution: Maududi, Divine Sovereignty, and the 1979-Moment in Iran”, to argue that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was politically expedient. It further argued that Iran was unable to export its revolution to other parts of the world, including its Muslim majority neighbour countries like Pakistan because it had found the instrument of mobilization and justification for its revolution in the history of Shia Islam and therefore had sectarian implications.

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Hind Rajab and Israel’s Machinery of Denial

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On August 19, 2026, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) finally admitted that its soldiers had fired at the car carrying five-year-old Hind Rajab and later shelled the ambulance sent to rescue her. Shockingly, this acknowledgement came 933 days after the brutal attack.

This wasn’t the discovery of new evidence but the collapse of an old lie. Palestinian witnessed and numerous independent investigators had already established that Israeli forces were present and that a tank had fired from close range. Initially, Israel denied responsibility until the evidence became impossible to silence.

In fact, Hind’s killing reveals more than one atrocity. It blatantly exposes a machinery of denial built to protect Israeli soldiers, commanders and political leaders from accountability.

The Child Left Inside the Car

Two years back, on January 29, 2024, Hind was travelling through Tel al-Hawa in Gaza City with her aunt, uncle and four cousins. The family was attempting to escape as Israeli troops advanced into the neighbourhood.

Israeli fire tore through their vehicle. Hind and her 15-year-old cousin, Layan Hamada, initially survived. Layan called the Palestine Red Crescent Society and described a tank beside the vehicle. Seconds later, intense gunfire ended her voice.

Hind was now alone among the bodies of her relatives. Emergency workers remained in intermittent contact with her as she waited in fear for someone to reach her.

She was not missing at an unknown location. Dispatchers knew where she was. Israeli forces controlled the area, and an innocent Palestinian child was still alive inside a clearly identifiable civilian vehicle.

The Rescue Israel Approved and Destroyed

The Palestine Red Crescent could not immediately send an ambulance because its workers spent hours seeking Israeli authorisation and arranging a safe route.

After numerous hours of waiting, permission was received, and paramedics Yusuf al-Zeino and Ahmed al-Madhoun drove towards Hind. Their ambulance displayed emergency lights. As they approached the car, their final radio transmission ended with an explosion.

Israeli forces remained in the area, preventing recovery teams from reaching the scene. Hind, her relatives and the two paramedics were found dead 12 days later, after the troops withdrew. The destroyed ambulance stood approximately 50 metres from the family’s car.

Israel had been informed about the medical mission. The ambulance followed a coordinated route. So, its destruction cannot honestly be reduced to a simple communication failure.

The Evidence Israel Could Not Bury

Forensic Architecture, Earshot and Al Jazeera reconstructed the attack using satellite imagery, audio ballistics, vehicle damage and 3D modelling. Their findings dismantled Israel’s initial denials:

  • Investigators mapped 335 bullet holes on the family’s car.
  • Layan’s final call captured 64 shots in six seconds.
  • Audio analysis placed the shooter only 13 to 23 metres away.
  • The firing position provided a clear view of the vehicle and its passengers.
  • Satellite images showed vehicles consistent with Israeli Merkava tanks nearby.
  • The ambulance damage matched the impact of a 120mm tank round.

The evidence did not describe distant or uncontrolled fire. It placed an Israeli tank close enough for its operator to see the people inside the car, including the children.

The ambulance wreckage told the same story. Its damage, the direction of impact, and the Israeli tanks visible in the area all pointed towards heinous Israeli fire.

Denial Was Part of the Crime

Israel first claimed that its troops were not present at all. When satellite and audio evidence contradicted that assertion, official explanations shifted towards uncertainty, possible crossfire, and failures of coordination. But now, the Israeli military eventually admitted that their soldiers fired at the car and that a shell was later directed at the ambulance.

This changing story was definitely an effort at damage control.

Israeli blunt denial forces Palestinian families to prove every killing while grieving their dead. It delays international anger and allows governments to continue supporting Israel while pretending that the facts remain unclear.

Moreover, the United States has helped sustain this system. Washington continued supplying Israel with weapons and diplomatic protection while treating Israeli internal reviews as credible. Palestinian evidence was subjected to endless suspicion; Israeli claims were granted patience and authority.

Hind Must Be Remembered as a Child

Hind’s recorded voice has become one of the most recognisable sounds of the Gaza genocide. Yet she must not be reduced to a recording, a film or a symbol.

She was an innocent Palestinian child waiting for adults to save her. The rescuers came only after securing permission, and Israel brutally killed them too. Her family then spent more than two years watching the truth treated as a dispute.

By now, more than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza. Most cases will never receive comparable forensic attention. Palestinian families should not need satellite images, international campaigns, and hundreds of bullet holes before the world agrees to believe them.

The Truth Never Needed Israel’s Permission

Israel’s admission did not make the Palestinian account true. It had always been true.

Hind’s trembling voice, the shattered ambulance, and the bullet-riddled car preserved what Israel tried to deny. Justice now requires an independent international process capable of prosecuting everyone responsible—not another internal investigation designed to bury accountability after failing to bury the evidence.

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Gaza Is Running Out of Graves

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When 20-year-old Omar al-Sawhi tried to bury his father in Gaza City, he found no affordable space. The cemetery was crowded with fresh graves, many identified only by stones and torn pieces of paper. Unable to pay for a new plot, the family eventually buried Mohammed in his own father’s grave.

This is what Israel’s brutal genocide has done to burial in Gaza. Palestinians are being killed faster than graves can be prepared. Cemeteries have been completely bulldozed, bodies remain beneath ruins, and families bury relatives beside tents and hospitals. In fact, Israel has denied Palestinians safety in life and dignity in death.

More Deaths and Fewer Places to Bury Them

Israel has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023. Thousands more are missing beneath destroyed buildings. Even after the October 2025 ceasefire announcement, at least 1,200 Palestinians have been killed.

Each body requires recovery, identification, and burial. Yet Gaza had only about 60 cemeteries before the genocide, and many were already close to capacity. Israeli attacks and movement restrictions have made much of the remaining land unusable.

Consequently, families must search for a grave while mourning relatives killed by the same military that destroyed the places meant to receive them.

Israel Has Erased Gaza’s Cemetery Map

Gaza’s Ministry of Endowments says more than 40 cemeteries have been destroyed by Israel. A wider assessment by Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor examined 62 official burial grounds and found the following:

  • 39 cemeteries destroyed
  • 19 partially damaged
  • Only four largely intact
  • 93.5% damaged or destroyed overall

Every official cemetery in Rafah was destroyed. Moreover, all 24 cemeteries in Khan Younis were targeted, as were all 10 in North Gaza.

This scale cannot be dismissed as scattered genocidal damage. Cemeteries preserve names, family histories, and generations of Palestinian connection to the land. Their destruction attacks the dead and Palestinians’ historical connection to the land.

Gardens, Schools and Hospitals Became Graveyards

With established cemeteries full, destroyed or behind Israeli-controlled lines, Palestinians have buried relatives wherever earth remains available. Graves have appeared in gardens, hospital courtyards, school grounds, displacement camps and beside tents.

Many have no proper headstones. Families use masonry from destroyed homes, corrugated metal, or handwritten paper to preserve a name. Another Israeli strike, heavy rain, or exposure can remove the only marker.

Even one Khan Younis cemetery contained about 60 graves when the genocide began. It now holds approximately 6,000. At the height of the killing, a gravedigger prepared as many as 35 graves in one day. Whole families, including babies and children, sometimes arrived together.

Even a Grave Has Become Unaffordable

A prepared grave can now cost between 700 and 1,000 shekels, approximately $235 to $335. Families stripped of homes, work, and savings cannot afford it.

Some reopen an older relative’s grave, while others share burial spaces or leave graves unfinished because cement and stone are scarce. Israel has impoverished Gaza and made burial another ordeal.

The Dead Are Returning Years Later

Some funerals held in 2026 are for Palestinians killed in 2023. In August, Gaza buried 112 members of the al-Hasayna and Abu Sharia families, whose remains had been trapped beneath destroyed residential buildings in the Sabra neighbourhood.

Moreover, Palestinian authorities said the November 2023 Israeli attack killed 308 people. Of the dead, 153 remained under the ruins. Gaza’s Civil Defence workers with limited machinery spent 17 days searching before recovering 112 remains. Their families waited nearly three years for a grave.

Another funeral was held on August 20 for 50 recently recovered Palestinians from three families. Authorities have also recovered 529 remains from seven mass graves created in hospital grounds.

Thousands Remain Beneath the Rubble

Gaza Civil Defence estimates that approximately 8,500 people remain missing beneath destroyed buildings. Recovery teams lack excavators, fuel, forensic laboratories and safe access to Israeli-controlled areas.

Evidently, around 68 million tonnes of rubble cover Gaza. It contains unexploded weapons, possessions, human remains and evidence of how people were killed. Crushing or removing debris without forensic care can fragment bodies, erase identities and destroy evidence needed for future prosecutions.

Families may know where someone disappeared but wait years for a body. Without remains, there can be no final funeral, confirmed grave, or certainty that the missing person has been found.

Destroying Graves Is Another Form of Erasure

In January 2026, Israeli forces bulldozed al-Batsh Cemetery east of Gaza City. Exhumation of more than 700 bodies was also documented. Remains were mixed, and the landscape was altered so severely that families could no longer locate previously marked graves.

Cemetery destruction also obstructs the process of justice. When bodies are moved, mixed, or crushed, investigators lose information about identity and cause of death. The state responsible for the genocide is damaging the physical record of its crimes.

The Graves Will Testify

Israel has turned homes into tombs and hospitals into mass burial grounds. Yet every recovered name and makeshift marker resists its attempt to erase Palestinian identity.

Gaza may be running out of graves, but Israel cannot bury the truth. The dead remain evidence, and their families continue demanding the dignity and justice that were denied to them.

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Settler Terror and the Theft of Palestinian Water

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Settler occupation has been a long-standing mechanism of Israel to illegally occupy Palestine. For instance, in Fasayil, Israeli settlers diverted a spring that irrigated Palestinian fields. In Qusra, settlers surrounded numerous Palestinian homes and cut residents off from essential supplies.

These are not isolated attacks by uncontrolled extremists. They are part of the Israeli strategy to seize Palestinian resources, terrorize families, and make remaining on their land increasingly impossible.

The weapons include bulldozers, water pumps, roadblocks and an occupation system that protects the aggressor while restricting the victim.

Fasayil: A Palestinian Spring Becomes a Settler Attraction

For farmers in Fasayil, in the Jordan Valley, the spring sustained crops, jobs and household survival. Settlers captured that lifeline by diverting its water into a pool promoted as an Israeli attraction.

A pipeline belonging to Palestinian farmer Saad Nemer was also seized in June. Water that once nourished Palestinian fields was redirected towards the settler-controlled site while nearby homes and farms faced extreme shortages.

So, the sequence is deliberate. Farming becomes unviable, and families face pressure to leave. The emptied land can then be absorbed into expanding Israeli control.

Qusra: Besieged Inside Their Own Homes

In Qusra, south of Nablus, more than 15 innocent Palestinians, including two children, were trapped in three homes for nearly a week. Settlers blocked food, medicine, and other necessities while residents lost water and electricity.

The Israeli military declared a closed zone and removed a makeshift settler tent. Soldiers later withdrew, but settlers remained with chairs and blankets outside the homes. The Palestinian families were still besieged.

Palestinians were imprisoned inside houses they owned while Israeli trespassers occupied the surrounding land. Even US Ambassador Mike Huckabee, a vocal supporter of Israeli settlements, described the perpetrators as “Israeli terrorists”.

His condemnation came only after international attention. It did not challenge the occupation system that allowed the siege to happen.

The Numbers Destroy the “Few Extremists” Excuse

By July 23, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs had documented the following:

  • More than 1,330 settler attacks across 250 Palestinian communities during this year.
  • An average of more than six attacks per day.
  • About 880 Palestinians injured, including 720 injured directly by settlers.
  • More than 18 Palestinians killed in settler-related incidents.
  • Approximately 160 water and sanitation structures damaged, destroyed or seized.

OCHA recorded another 38 attacks in one August week. In Tuba, Masafer Yatta, settlers injured five Palestinians and destroyed three homes, displacing 23 people, including 14 children.

Violence continues until communities become too isolated, impoverished, or frightened to remain.

Water Is Being Used to Empty the Land

Without reliable water, families cannot drink safely, cultivate crops, raise livestock, or maintain adequate sanitation. Attacking water ultimately damages an entire community at once.

Reports found average Israeli consumption at 247 litres per person daily, three times the 82.4 litres available to Palestinians in the West Bank. In Palestinian communities disconnected from the grid, daily consumption can fall to 26 litres per person.

Nature did not create this inequality. Israel controls infrastructure, drilling permissions and access to major sources. Israeli illegal settlers reinforce that control by attacking tanks, pipelines, wells and repair crews.

In January as well, settlers repeatedly attacked the Ein Samiya wells, damaging control equipment and cables. Workers attempting repairs were threatened and assaulted. The disruption affected a principal water source for about 20 villages and an estimated 100,000 Palestinians in eastern Ramallah.

Displacement Without an Expulsion Order

By June, more than 1,000 settler attacks had displaced over 2,200 Palestinians in 2026. Even Ras Ein al-Auja, one of the Jordan Valley’s largest Bedouin communities, was emptied after years of threats, livestock theft, water restrictions and violence. Moreover, about 600 residents were displaced in January.

Palestinian families may leave without receiving a formal expulsion order. They go because settlers seize grazing land, destroy water tanks, invade homes and threaten children. But then Israel portrays their departure as voluntary.

However, there is nothing voluntary about choosing between displacement and living without water, livelihood, or safety.

One Israeli Project Across Palestine

Gaza and the West Bank face different intensities of the same Israeli project. Gaza endures genocide, siege, and territorial fragmentation. Meanwhile, the West Bank confronts settlement expansion, military raids, settler terror and the steady theft of land and water.

Both aim to weaken Palestinian society and prevent a free, connected and sovereign Palestine. The International Court of Justice has concluded that Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful.

Yet foreign governments continue issuing statements while Israel changes reality on the ground.

In a nutshell, a stolen spring in Fasayil and besieged homes in Qusra tell the same story. Settlers take the resource, the occupation protects the seizure, and Palestinian families are expected to disappear completely.

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