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Will the PA renounce the two-state solution strategy and opt for equal rights in a unitary bi-national state?

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The two-state solution has been the sacred cow of the Arab-Israeli peace process for the past 40 years. The effectively moribund Palestinian Authority  (PA) continues, knowingly or otherwise, to count on the US, to eventually force intransigent Israel to end its 55-year-old military occupation of the Occupied territories.

PA efforts to that effect are drawing ridicule from most Palestinians and apathy from Israel.

But counting on the US in no way implies that the PA has any genuine hopes that the US would manage to extract real concessions from Israel’s parsimonious hands. It only means that the fragile entity has no choice, other than placing all its eggs in the American basket.

Indeed, many observers view the PA current posture as merely regurgitating the same failed old-Oslo era policies which proved to be disastrous for the Palestinian cause.

Meanwhile, the impoverished  PLO-PA Fatah leadership continues to lament the nearly total paralysis  of international legitimacy and rule of international law, which allowed an insolent Israel to gang up on the Palestinians with much of the world, including the Arab-Muslim world,  looking on.

Read more: Best Prescription For Wooing Voters In Israel: Spill More Palestinian Blood

 Indeed. the almost total disregard by Israel of international law in the occupied territories, including the sweeping seizure of Palestinian lands, aggrandizement of Jewish-only colonies, along with the quasi-daily murder and maiming of mostly innocent Palestinians, have made the demoralized PA leadership more frustrated and disillusioned than ever.

A few months ago, a nervous-looking Abbas publicly lashed out at the Chinese Communist Party, using a four-letter word, when senior Fatah figure Abbas Zaki asked the president whether it was appropriate to congratulate the party on its foundation anniversary.

What would Abbas tell Biden?

Most Palestinians don’t pin any hope whatsoever on Biden’s upcoming visit to Ramallah.

“We have no illusions that the visit will achieve a political breakthrough. We will be listening to more pledges and promises,” an unnamed  senior Palestinian official was quoted as saying by the pro-Netanyahu i42 news on 2 July .”This visit is about normalizing ties between Israel and Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia.”

Biden is due to meet with Abbas in mid-July. The main purpose of the mostly symbolic visit to the West Bank is to demonstrate to the Palestinians that the US is not forgetting or ignoring them. This might be true to some extent.

 But the Biden administration is ignoring or at least sidestepping the Palestinian cause, while frantically accelerating efforts to get the Saudis to normalize relations with Israel.

 The US is unlikely though to take pro-active steps to reopen its consulate in East Jerusalem, closed by former Israel-firster, President Trump, despite some loosely-worded promises made by Secretary of State Blinken that it would.

As to the week, ailing and increasingly-abandoned Abbas, he is absolutely in no position to make demands of or issue warnings to a US president who is thoroughly plagued  and preoccupied by the nightmarish and still ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.

True,  as a solace to comfort Abbas and enable him to keep face and retain his political composure, Biden may give the PA leader some verbal assurances, but nothing more.

The legitimate Palestinian grievances Abbas will communicate to Biden are no news for the US president that would prompt him  to even nudge a notoriously recalcitrant Israel, where a  care-taker government is bracing for yet a new round of elections following the collapse of the Naftali Bennet’s cacophonic coalition two weeks ago.

Interestingly, the elections, Slated to take place four months from now, will be a fierce competition between the likud, the jingoistic nationalist bloc, and the extreme-national-religious right.  Both camps vehemently reject the Oslo process, the erstwhile two-state solution proposal as well as the establishment of any completely-sovereign  Palestinian political entity west of the river Jordan.

Will Netanyahu make a comeback?

Hence, awaiting the elections is really a non-viable option for Abbas and Biden, who may be affronted with the political comeback of Trump’s prodigal son, Benyamin Netanyahu. Last week, Trump reportedly said he would back Netanyahu in the coming Israeli elections.

While Bennet treated Abbas with a combination of non-attention and even not a small modicum of contempt, Netanyahu is known for employing a lot of coaxing, cajoling and red-herring tactics with the aging PA leader, while working diligently, often behind the scenes,  to dismantle the very last vestiges of official  Arab support for the Palestinians.

Netanyahu is also the number-1 ally of Saudi Arabia’s de facto king MBS, who is reportedly impatiently awaiting his old father’s death to open up Saudi Arabia to Israel and bid a final “Good by” to the Palestinians and their “annoying cause.”

Now, as we all know, Biden is trying to do the job for MBS and Netanyahu even before King Salman’s death, a mission he may or may not succeed in accomplishing.

 Biden’s effort to consummate what would be a historical breakthrough in the relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel doesn’t mean at all that Israel would offer any meaningful concessions to the Palestinians in return, or even relax her tight and harsh grip on them. In fact,  the opposite might happen, which wouldn’t even make MBS bat an eyelash, given his disenchantment with and even aversion to the Palestinians.

One-state Solution

A few weeks ago, Abbas warned that if the international community, particularly the US and EU, didn’t move to compel Israel to end its occupation and colonization of the West Bank, he would take “decisive and dangerous” decisions.

Abbas didn’t disclose what these decisions would be.  But some of his aides speculated that the aging and ailing PA leader might freeze at least some Palestinian commitments under the Oslo Accords such as the security coordination regime with Israel. Moreover, Abbas may well decide to revoke PLO recognition of Israel, which was unconditional and not contingent on reciprocal Israeli recognition of a Palestinian state.

But the most important decision Abbas might possibly take is the renouncement by the PLO of the two-state solution strategy in favor of one unitary state from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean,  where Jews and Arabs would live together in peace and equality.

This would mean that the Palestinians would start a fresh struggle for equal rights in a democratic, non-apartheid state.

But a bi-national democratic state, while it would be widely welcomed by the bulk of the international community, would be anathema for Israel and many Zionist Jews.

A few weeks ago, former Middle East envoy Dennis Ross warned that the destruction by Israel of the two-state solution would eventually force the Palestinian leadership to opt for a unitary, democratic state where Palestinians and Israeli Jews live as equal citizens.

The idea of a bi-national Jewish-Arab state west of the River Jordan will not be readily accepted by a sizeable determined segment of Palestinians as well, particularly Hamas and other religious groups. However, it is the only truly viable solution under existing circumstances.  The other alternative is perpetual, open-ended conflict between the Islamic world on the one hand and Israel and its guardian-ally, the US, on the other,  which could eventually evolve into a nuclear Armageddon. With the two-state solution reaching real dead-end, the only alternative would be the continuation and escalation of the conflict. The Palestinian Authority is unlikely to survive the recalcitrance of the upcoming Israeli government, especially if the recently-approved settlement projects are implemented.

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Deportation as a Weapon: New Frontline of Palestinian Rights in the US

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The first time Mahmoud Khalil’s name began circulating beyond activist circles, it was not because of a speech or a protest, but due to a legal notice – a deportation order.

In the 21st century, it is appalling to see people’s right to life and other basic human rights being ridiculed. In the larger picture, the deportation drive is a hidden assault on whoever talks about the rights of the Palestinians in the United States.

A Case That Refused to Stay Quiet

Mahmoud Khalil is a Palestinian activist based in the United States. His work has focused on raising awareness about Gaza and advocating for Palestinian rights through public events and campus-linked activism.

Since Israel is being largely supported in the West, anyone who talks about the fundamental rights of the people of Gaza is dealt with extreme brutality. In this context, the Federal agencies of the United States moved forward with his deportation proceedings even though he is a permanent American citizen and married to a US citizen too.

It is not about Mahmoud Khalil or any individual but about a greater cause that is to allow the freedom of speech, expression, and association.

Palestinian Rights and the Mayor of New York

Zohran Mamdani, a prominent elected official, publicly defended Khalil, arguing that deportation should not be used as a tool against political expression. In doing so, Mamdani shifted the conversation from immigration procedure to constitutional principle.

His message remains clear: “advocacy for Palestinian rights is not a crime, and deportation should not become a backdoor method of punishing dissent.”

The response was swift, and the supporters praised the stance as a rare act of political courage. Critics accused Mamdani of shielding extremism. Media coverage intensified, and Khalil’s case became symbolic.

People are dying in Gaza due to bombings, famine, poor health, and absolutely no sense of security. In this environment, instead of allowing the people of Gaza to breathe, it is inhumane that their voices are being silenced.

Deportation and the Chilling Effect

Immigration law experts note that deportation proceedings are uniquely powerful. Unlike criminal trials, they operate in a separate legal universe—one with fewer protections, lower evidentiary thresholds, and limited public scrutiny.

For activists who are students, workers, or asylum-seekers, this vulnerability is well understood.

Civil rights groups have documented a growing sense of fear among foreign-born activists involved in Palestine-related advocacy. Some report withdrawing from public organizing, while others avoid protests altogether, worried that visibility could trigger legal consequences unrelated to their conduct.

Since the escalation of the Gaza war, US campuses have seen a surge in pro-Palestinian demonstrations. These demonstrations came alongside suspensions, surveillance concerns, and disciplinary actions. Khalil’s case sits squarely within this context.

A Broader Pattern Takes Shape

Across the US, Palestinian and pro-Palestinian activists, especially those without citizenship, describe increased scrutiny. Immigration status has become a pressure point, a way to narrow the space for political engagement without directly confronting free speech protections.

Moreover, some legal scholars point out that while citizens may face arrest or prosecution for protest-related activity, non-citizens face an additional, existential risk: expulsion.

This asymmetry reshapes activism. Ultimately, it creates two classes of dissent—those who can speak and those who must calculate the cost of every word.

Where the World is Heading

The world conscience would definitely be questioned in the annals of history when the chapter of Palestine comes. The world is getting divided among the nations that support the Palestinian right to existence and the other ones that do not support this very basic human right.

In his book, “On Palestine”, Ilan Pappe and Noam Chomsky clearly described the atrocities by Israel and the ground-breaking support it gets from the West. Peppe even claimed that there is ethnic cleansing being done in Palestine by Israel.

In fact, the current deportation trends are about the advocacy tied to Palestine. The question is how a responsible democracy responds when uncomfortable voices refuse to appear.

As one civil liberties advocate put it: “You don’t have to win every case to change the climate. You just have to make people afraid.”

Ultimately, this is about changing the political climate and making people afraid of speaking against Israel or in favor of Palestine. The outcome of Khalil’s case remains uncertain. However, the signals it sends to activists, institutions, and the state are already unmistakable.

In today’s world, speaking about Gaza can follow you far beyond the protest!

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Life Inside Gaza’s Tents: Cold Nights, Illness, and Endless Waiting

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Before sunrise, the camp is already awake. A woman steps carefully between puddles that did not exist the night before. To add more to the inhumane conditions, rainwater has mixed with waste and ash, turning the ground into a thin, foul-smelling slurry. She is carrying two empty containers, hoping the water point has not run dry again today.

Nearby, a child coughs, a persistent dry cough that has become common in the tents since winter set in. This is just a glimpse of life now for hundreds of Palestinians in Gaza. This is not a story of a temporary stop, nor of an emergency night or two, but of a prolonged existence inside fabric shelters that were never meant to last months.

According to the United Nations, around 1.7 million people remain displaced across Gaza. Not only that, a large share of them is living in tents, plastic shelters, or overcrowded informal sites. These sites are often pitched on rubble, farmland, or roadsides. The ceasefire might have changed the tempo of the war but for those in the camps, it did not restore normal life at all.

From Homes to Tents

Entire neighborhoods across Gaza have been flattened or rendered uninhabitable. As per the UN satellite assessments, well over half of Gaza’s housing stock has been damaged or completely destroyed, leaving families with no realistic option to return.

Tents were supposed to be temporary, but as the atrocities continue to inflict the people of Gaza, now these are standing for months.

Moreover, most of those tents offer no insulation. At night, cold air moves freely through torn seams. During rain, water pools inside, soaking thin mattresses and blankets. When storms hit, some tents collapse entirely, forcing families to crowd into neighboring shelters or even sleep outdoors until replacements arrive — if they arrive at all.

These are not the conditions for life to even exist. Aid agencies describe these sites less as camps and more as open-air holding zones, where survival depends on irregular deliveries of water, food, and fuel.

Smoke, Plastic, and the Air People Breathe

With fuel scarce and electricity almost nonexistent, many families burn whatever they can find to keep warm or cook food. Plastic packaging, scraps of rubber, and mixed waste are common substitutes.

The smoke hangs low in the evenings. Burning plastic releases toxic fumes that aggravate respiratory problems, especially among children and older people. A few clinics, which are fortunately left, operating inside or near displacement sites report rising cases of persistent coughs, chest infections, and eye irritation, conditions that are difficult to treat in overcrowded settings with limited medicine.

For many families, the choice is brutal. Either to breathe toxic smoke or to endure freezing nights. This is like a Hobson’s choice for them to live in these conditions.

Childhood on Hold

Children make up nearly half of Gaza’s population, and many are growing up almost entirely inside tents.

There is no school routine, no playground, and no sense of safety after dark. Parents describe children waking at night from cold, fear, or hunger. It is not surprising that the aid workers are noting signs of trauma, including withdrawal, bed-wetting, sudden aggression, and silence.

Mental health professionals working with humanitarian teams have warned that prolonged displacement, especially under such harsh conditions, can leave long-term psychological scars. On the other hand, counselling services are scarce, and survival needs usually come first.

For many children, days pass without structure. Time is measured not by lessons or play, but by queues for water, food distributions, and the arrival, or absence, of aid trucks.

Rain, Sewage, and the Winter Toll

The appalling living conditions were already very severe, but in the winter, it makes them tenfold, turning shelters into hazards.

Heavy rainfall has flooded multiple displacement sites, washing sewage into living areas and soaking tents beyond repair. In some camps, families have raised bedding on bricks or broken furniture in an attempt to stay dry.

Humanitarian reports, including those from Transparency International, document tents collapsing under wind and rain, forcing repeated displacement even within camps. Each move strips families of what little stability they have managed to create.

Cold weather has compounded illness. Without proper clothing, heating, or medical care, respiratory infections have become harder to manage. Clinics, already overstretched, struggle to cope with demand.

A Ceasefire Without a Way Home

For people living in tents, the ceasefire did not bring clarity. Some families hoped it would mean a return home. Instead, many areas remain inaccessible, unsafe, or destroyed. In some cases, new evacuation orders have continued, forcing further movement even after the fighting slowed.

Aid workers say uncertainty is one of the heaviest burdens. Families do not know whether to rebuild makeshift shelters, prepare to move again, or wait for instructions that may never come.

“We Are Still Here”

In the camps, people talk less about politics and more about endurance and survival.

They talk about missing ordinary things, like doors that lock, floors that are dry, and nights without smoke. They talk about children growing up too fast, about illness that lingers, about days that blend into each other.

One displaced man summed it up simply: “We are alive, but this is not living.”

In a nutshell, survival continues, measured in blankets, liters of water, and the hope that tomorrow will bring something other than uncertainty to breathe.

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Board of Peace Explained: New Global Peace Architecture or Another Power Play?

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This is not just about a region in this world where human rights are not given, and people are being killed. It is about humanity, life, and the very foundations of values that humans are living with. When Gaza is discussed today, it is rarely in the language of rights. It is discussed as a problem to be solved, a territory to be stabilized, and a population to be administered.

The announcement of a new international “Board of Peace” fits neatly into this pattern. Presented as a bold initiative to guide Gaza out of conflict and into reconstruction, the Board of Peace has been framed by its sponsors as innovative, inclusive, and forward-looking. Yet for Palestinians, the announcement raises an older, still unresolved question: Who decides Gaza’s future, and on what authority?

What Is the Board of Peace?

The Board of Peace was announced by US President Donald Trump as part of a broader Phase Two Gaza plan, marking a shift from ceasefire management to post-genocide governance and reconstruction.

According to official descriptions, the board is meant to:

  • Oversee Gaza’s political transition
  • Coordinate reconstruction funding and investment
  • Provide international supervision during a “transitional” period

Trump declared himself chair of the board and described it as a high-level body composed of political leaders, financial figures, and diplomatic actors. Unlike the United Nations, the board has no clear treaty basis, no General Assembly mandate, and no defined accountability mechanism.

It is powerful not because it is formal, but because it is backed by money, political leverage, and security control.

Who is on the Board?

The individuals named or referenced in connection with the Board of Peace are not neutral facilitators.

The board’s executive circle includes:

  • Marco Rubio, US Senator and the Secretary of State
  • Tony Blair, former UK prime minister
  • Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and former Middle East envoy
  • Steve Witkoff, US real estate magnate and political donor
  • Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank

These are figures associated with Western political power, financial institutions, and security-centric diplomacy. None are elected Palestinian representatives. None comes from Gaza. The imbalance is structural, not incidental.

Which Countries Were Invited?

One of the board’s defining features is its attempt to project global legitimacy through invited state participation.

According to credible sources, Trump sent invitations to around 60 world leaders. Those explicitly named in reporting include:

  • Turkey (President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan)
  • Egypt (President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi)
  • Canada (Prime Minister Mark Carney)
  • Argentina (President Javier Milei)

Moreover, some diplomatic sources also indicate the list includes:

  • Britain
  • Germany
  • Italy
  • Morocco
  • Indonesia
  • Australia

The Palestinian Face of the Plan: Who Is Ali Shaath?

To provide the plan with Palestinian leadership, the US has backed Ali Shaath as head of the transitional Palestinian committee that will administer Gaza’s civil affairs under the Board of Peace.

Shaath’s profile is central to understanding how this governance model is being sold.

Here is a quick overview of Ali Shaath:

  • He was born in 1958 in Khan Younis
  • He is a civil engineer with a PhD from Queen’s University Belfast
  • He previously served as deputy minister of planning in the Palestinian Authority
  • He has worked on industrial zone projects in both Gaza and the West Bank

Shaath has spoken publicly about the scale of Gaza’s destruction, estimating around 68 million tons of rubble, much of it contaminated with unexploded ordnance. He has suggested that clearing debris could take three years, with full recovery achievable in seven years. It seems to be a far more optimistic timeline than UN estimates, which warn that rebuilding could extend beyond 2040.

Politically, Shaath has been described as acceptable to both Hamas and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, precisely because he is positioned as a technocrat rather than a political leader. However, it is yet to be observed how he would work with the other members.

Governance Without Sovereignty

The Palestinian committee, chaired by Shaath, has issued a mission statement pledging to restore services, rebuild infrastructure, and stabilize daily life in Gaza.

The committee describes its work as “rooted in peace” and focused on technocratic administration rather than politics.

Yet the committee:

  • Controls no borders
  • Commands no security forces
  • Regulates no airspace or coastline
  • Has no electoral mandate

It governs without power, while power remains in external hands.

When it comes to the reaction of the people of Gaza, they showed mixed feelings of skepticism over hope. Some Palestinians express cautious hope that any plan might bring electricity, water, and an end to constant displacement. Others see the Board of Peace as another externally designed structure that manages Gaza without addressing the occupation.

Peace Architecture or Power Management?

The Board of Peace is being presented as an innovation. However, history offers a cautionary lens.

Temporary governance structures in occupied or post-conflict territories have a habit of becoming permanent. Reconstruction becomes conditional. Aid becomes leverage. Administration replaces self-determination.

In a nutshell, the Board of Peace asks the world to believe that stability can precede justice, and that governance can substitute for freedom.

For Palestinians, the unanswered question is simpler and older:

If Gaza’s future is designed in Washington, financed in global capitals, and overseen by external boards—where does Palestinian self-determination actually begin?

Until that question is addressed, the Board of Peace risks becoming not a new architecture for peace, but another structure built on the same imbalance that has kept Gaza unfree for decades.

Peace cannot be outsourced, and a people cannot be rebuilt while being brutally ruled.

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