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The 1967 War was a Defeat  of Arabism, Nasserism, Baathism and anti-Islam doctrines

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In the early hours of 5 June 1967, exactly 55 years ago, the Israeli air force carried out wave after wave of devastating strikes on Egyptian air bases, destroying, virtually completely, the entire Egyptian air force in what is called The so-called Six-day War.

In subsequent strikes on the same day, the air forces of Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Iraq suffered crippling losses, depriving Arab armies of air cover

   Indeed, by the end of the first day of the so-called Six-day War of 1967, Israel achieved absolute air superiority over the Egyptian air force, Syria and Jordan.  In fact, one would exaggerate very little by arguing that the outcome of the war was decided during its first six hours, which would make the appellation “Six-hour war” a more fitting description of the gargantuan Arab defeat.

By 10 June,  the last day of the war, Israel occupied the Sinai desert and the West Bank including the holy city of Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Height.

“Red night and intoxicated pilots”

It was widely reported then that the bulk of Egyptian pilots had had a “red night” during which a strong liquor was served.  Thus, the heavily intoxicated pilots simply couldn’t fly. Moreover, Egyptian warplanes were like “sitting ducks” as they had no hardened concrete shelters to protect them from aerial strikes. Another scandalous element contributing to Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s air-force destruction was the fact that the entire Egyptian air-defence system was shut off for the duration of  a reconnaissance mission by War Minister Abdul Hakim Amer to “assess the situation.” Moreover, to ensure Amir’s safety, no plane was allowed to take off during his flight. The man was Gamal Abdel Nasser’s son-in-law and one of his closest confidants.

 The Israeli Six-day War victory in 1967 was more logical than miraculous. Egypt, Syria and Jordan, were then as they are now, ruled by corrupt, bankrupt, and tyrannical rulers who viewed the preservation of the regime as their ultimate and most paramount strategy and priority.

Gamal Abdel Nasser’s responsibility

There is no doubt that Gamal Abdel Nasser is blamed for the greatest Arab-Muslim 1967 war defeat since the conquest of Jerusalem by the Crusades on 15 July 1099, when the armies of the Franks made their entry into Jerusalem and massacred its inhabitants. The near megalomaniac Arab leader was a captive of his own irrational rhetoric, futile sabre-rattling,  and rabble-rousing speeches as well as huge popularity from Bahrain to Casablanca. This gave him the impression that he was always on the right track no matter what he did. As he lacked any self-accountability, he would use the Ikhwan as a red- herring to justify and evade responsibility for his many failures and blunders.    

 Immediately after the end of hostilities on 10 June, a commentator on Sawt al-Arab or the Voice of the Arabs radio station sought to assure his devastated listeners that Israel actually failed in the war since its real goal was to remove Gamal Abdel Nasser from power, which it didn’t achieve!

Nasser: the Second Major Disaster hitting the Muslim World After Ataturk

I remember I once asked Professor Hamed Algar of the University of California at Berkley how he viewed Gamal Abdel Nasser. He described the famous idol of Arab nationalism rather tersely, saying Gamal Abdel Nasser was “the second major disaster afflicting the Muslim world after Mustapha Kemal Ataturk.” (see my article, Nasser revisited).

Read: The 1967 War Revisited

Gamal Abdul Nasser deserved this description. Besides bearing ultimate responsibility for the loss of al-Masjidul Aksa, he executed one of the most important Muslim intellectuals, Sayyed Qutub, for being affiliated with reactionary forces in the service of imperialism, Colonialism and Zionism. Qutub was a treasure of knowledge walking on two legs. His TafsirFi Zilal al-Quran” is still considered second to none.

 And while excelling in rhetorical overindulgence, rabble-rousing and making empty threats against Israel, as well as gasconading about the grandeur of the revolution, many of his aides, including Amer, were actually real presumed spies for Israel.

Gamal Abdel Nasser appointed communists and other anti-Islam figures in key positions in his regime while carrying out a sustained witch-hunt campaign against religious Muslims, calling them a fifth column.

The late Egyptian Muslim preacher and thinker, Sheikh Muhammed Metwalli Shaarawi “thanked Allah for the decisive Israeli victory in the 1967 war.”  When asked why, the eminent imam said this: Had we defeated Israel, our people and the Arabs, in general, would have adopted atheistic communism as a religion instead of Islam and worshipped Gamal Abdel Nasser as God instead of Allah.”

Read also: Overthrowing tyrannical regimes is a must for Muslims

Syria

The situation in Syria was by no means any better.  There the Godless Baath party was trying to de-Islamize Syria and consolidate the domination of the small esoteric sect known as Nusayris, which worships Imam Ali as God incarnate. In Islam, this absolute idolatry and polytheism.  Prior to the 1967 war, Baathists sought to sow sedition, anarchy, promiscuity and atheism throughout Syria in order to prepare the country for the complete domination of the Baath party. But the Baath party was actually a mere ladder for the Nusayris, used to arrogate power forever.

Hostility to Islam reached an unprecedented level of brazenness as Baathist leaders and intellectuals began assaulting and demonizing Islam, the Quran and the prophet Muhammad.

For example, on 25 April 1967, a prominent Baathist military officer named Ibrahim Khalaf wrote the following in the “Jaysh al-Shaab” (the People’s army) magazine,  under the title “the new Arab man:

“We need a socialist, revolutionary Arab man, not one praying and supplicating for mercy from a God that doesn’t exist.

“The new socialist Arab must realise that things such as God, religion, virtue, morality, and paradise are mere mummified puppets in the museum of history.”

Eli Cohen

The Israeli intelligence penetration of the Syrian regime was phenomenal as it was clarion. A few years before the 1967 war, an Israeli spy named Eli Cohen was able to reach the highest echelons of the regime. In the process, Cohen, who was disguised as a Syrian immigrant in South America,  obtained every conceivable piece of information about the country, the armed forces, the religious and ethnic minorities and the political parties. “He knew everything, even the colours of our leaders’ wives’ underwear’,” one unnamed Syrian official was quoted as saying.

Paramount strategic Asset to Israel

Interestingly,  the public discourse of the regime contradicted rather starkly reality on the ground. For example, Hafez Assad, the former dictator and father of the current mass murderer despot Bashar, announced the fall of the Golan Height more than 24 hours before the strategic plateau did actually fall.

Moreover, the thousands of troops who were supposed to defend the area,  confront and repulse advancing Israeli forces were ordered to abandon their positions and move quickly to Damascus to protect the Baathist regime from a possible coup by disgruntled officers.

Needless to say,  the Syrian regime which brags unceasingly about its patriotism,  Arab nationalism, liberty, liberation, and standing in the face of imperialism, Zionism and colonialism! has been and continues to be a paramount strategic asset for Israel. According to a documentary aired on Aljazeera several years ago, Hafez Assad reached a secret agreement with Zionist leaders in London in the early 1970s. Israel would cede the Golan Heights in exchange for the Zionist movement guaranteeing the continuity of the Nusayris r in power in Syria.

A few years ago, Ehud Barack, the former Israeli PM,  told the Obama administration that the Assad regime represented a great strategic asset for Israel.

To conclude this sad piece I can say that it is contrary to the laws of God, man and nature that such bankrupt and evil regimes would be granted victory. This was true in 1967;  it is still true today.     

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Deportation

Deportation as a Weapon: New Frontline of Palestinian Rights in the US

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Deportation-as-a-Weapon

The first time Mahmoud Khalil’s name began circulating beyond activist circles, it was not because of a speech or a protest, but due to a legal notice – a deportation order.

In the 21st century, it is appalling to see people’s right to life and other basic human rights being ridiculed. In the larger picture, the deportation drive is a hidden assault on whoever talks about the rights of the Palestinians in the United States.

A Case That Refused to Stay Quiet

Mahmoud Khalil is a Palestinian activist based in the United States. His work has focused on raising awareness about Gaza and advocating for Palestinian rights through public events and campus-linked activism.

Since Israel is being largely supported in the West, anyone who talks about the fundamental rights of the people of Gaza is dealt with extreme brutality. In this context, the Federal agencies of the United States moved forward with his deportation proceedings even though he is a permanent American citizen and married to a US citizen too.

It is not about Mahmoud Khalil or any individual but about a greater cause that is to allow the freedom of speech, expression, and association.

Palestinian Rights and the Mayor of New York

Zohran Mamdani, a prominent elected official, publicly defended Khalil, arguing that deportation should not be used as a tool against political expression. In doing so, Mamdani shifted the conversation from immigration procedure to constitutional principle.

His message remains clear: “advocacy for Palestinian rights is not a crime, and deportation should not become a backdoor method of punishing dissent.”

The response was swift, and the supporters praised the stance as a rare act of political courage. Critics accused Mamdani of shielding extremism. Media coverage intensified, and Khalil’s case became symbolic.

People are dying in Gaza due to bombings, famine, poor health, and absolutely no sense of security. In this environment, instead of allowing the people of Gaza to breathe, it is inhumane that their voices are being silenced.

Deportation and the Chilling Effect

Immigration law experts note that deportation proceedings are uniquely powerful. Unlike criminal trials, they operate in a separate legal universe—one with fewer protections, lower evidentiary thresholds, and limited public scrutiny.

For activists who are students, workers, or asylum-seekers, this vulnerability is well understood.

Civil rights groups have documented a growing sense of fear among foreign-born activists involved in Palestine-related advocacy. Some report withdrawing from public organizing, while others avoid protests altogether, worried that visibility could trigger legal consequences unrelated to their conduct.

Since the escalation of the Gaza war, US campuses have seen a surge in pro-Palestinian demonstrations. These demonstrations came alongside suspensions, surveillance concerns, and disciplinary actions. Khalil’s case sits squarely within this context.

A Broader Pattern Takes Shape

Across the US, Palestinian and pro-Palestinian activists, especially those without citizenship, describe increased scrutiny. Immigration status has become a pressure point, a way to narrow the space for political engagement without directly confronting free speech protections.

Moreover, some legal scholars point out that while citizens may face arrest or prosecution for protest-related activity, non-citizens face an additional, existential risk: expulsion.

This asymmetry reshapes activism. Ultimately, it creates two classes of dissent—those who can speak and those who must calculate the cost of every word.

Where the World is Heading

The world conscience would definitely be questioned in the annals of history when the chapter of Palestine comes. The world is getting divided among the nations that support the Palestinian right to existence and the other ones that do not support this very basic human right.

In his book, “On Palestine”, Ilan Pappe and Noam Chomsky clearly described the atrocities by Israel and the ground-breaking support it gets from the West. Peppe even claimed that there is ethnic cleansing being done in Palestine by Israel.

In fact, the current deportation trends are about the advocacy tied to Palestine. The question is how a responsible democracy responds when uncomfortable voices refuse to appear.

As one civil liberties advocate put it: “You don’t have to win every case to change the climate. You just have to make people afraid.”

Ultimately, this is about changing the political climate and making people afraid of speaking against Israel or in favor of Palestine. The outcome of Khalil’s case remains uncertain. However, the signals it sends to activists, institutions, and the state are already unmistakable.

In today’s world, speaking about Gaza can follow you far beyond the protest!

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Life Inside Gaza’s Tents: Cold Nights, Illness, and Endless Waiting

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Before sunrise, the camp is already awake. A woman steps carefully between puddles that did not exist the night before. To add more to the inhumane conditions, rainwater has mixed with waste and ash, turning the ground into a thin, foul-smelling slurry. She is carrying two empty containers, hoping the water point has not run dry again today.

Nearby, a child coughs, a persistent dry cough that has become common in the tents since winter set in. This is just a glimpse of life now for hundreds of Palestinians in Gaza. This is not a story of a temporary stop, nor of an emergency night or two, but of a prolonged existence inside fabric shelters that were never meant to last months.

According to the United Nations, around 1.7 million people remain displaced across Gaza. Not only that, a large share of them is living in tents, plastic shelters, or overcrowded informal sites. These sites are often pitched on rubble, farmland, or roadsides. The ceasefire might have changed the tempo of the war but for those in the camps, it did not restore normal life at all.

From Homes to Tents

Entire neighborhoods across Gaza have been flattened or rendered uninhabitable. As per the UN satellite assessments, well over half of Gaza’s housing stock has been damaged or completely destroyed, leaving families with no realistic option to return.

Tents were supposed to be temporary, but as the atrocities continue to inflict the people of Gaza, now these are standing for months.

Moreover, most of those tents offer no insulation. At night, cold air moves freely through torn seams. During rain, water pools inside, soaking thin mattresses and blankets. When storms hit, some tents collapse entirely, forcing families to crowd into neighboring shelters or even sleep outdoors until replacements arrive — if they arrive at all.

These are not the conditions for life to even exist. Aid agencies describe these sites less as camps and more as open-air holding zones, where survival depends on irregular deliveries of water, food, and fuel.

Smoke, Plastic, and the Air People Breathe

With fuel scarce and electricity almost nonexistent, many families burn whatever they can find to keep warm or cook food. Plastic packaging, scraps of rubber, and mixed waste are common substitutes.

The smoke hangs low in the evenings. Burning plastic releases toxic fumes that aggravate respiratory problems, especially among children and older people. A few clinics, which are fortunately left, operating inside or near displacement sites report rising cases of persistent coughs, chest infections, and eye irritation, conditions that are difficult to treat in overcrowded settings with limited medicine.

For many families, the choice is brutal. Either to breathe toxic smoke or to endure freezing nights. This is like a Hobson’s choice for them to live in these conditions.

Childhood on Hold

Children make up nearly half of Gaza’s population, and many are growing up almost entirely inside tents.

There is no school routine, no playground, and no sense of safety after dark. Parents describe children waking at night from cold, fear, or hunger. It is not surprising that the aid workers are noting signs of trauma, including withdrawal, bed-wetting, sudden aggression, and silence.

Mental health professionals working with humanitarian teams have warned that prolonged displacement, especially under such harsh conditions, can leave long-term psychological scars. On the other hand, counselling services are scarce, and survival needs usually come first.

For many children, days pass without structure. Time is measured not by lessons or play, but by queues for water, food distributions, and the arrival, or absence, of aid trucks.

Rain, Sewage, and the Winter Toll

The appalling living conditions were already very severe, but in the winter, it makes them tenfold, turning shelters into hazards.

Heavy rainfall has flooded multiple displacement sites, washing sewage into living areas and soaking tents beyond repair. In some camps, families have raised bedding on bricks or broken furniture in an attempt to stay dry.

Humanitarian reports, including those from Transparency International, document tents collapsing under wind and rain, forcing repeated displacement even within camps. Each move strips families of what little stability they have managed to create.

Cold weather has compounded illness. Without proper clothing, heating, or medical care, respiratory infections have become harder to manage. Clinics, already overstretched, struggle to cope with demand.

A Ceasefire Without a Way Home

For people living in tents, the ceasefire did not bring clarity. Some families hoped it would mean a return home. Instead, many areas remain inaccessible, unsafe, or destroyed. In some cases, new evacuation orders have continued, forcing further movement even after the fighting slowed.

Aid workers say uncertainty is one of the heaviest burdens. Families do not know whether to rebuild makeshift shelters, prepare to move again, or wait for instructions that may never come.

“We Are Still Here”

In the camps, people talk less about politics and more about endurance and survival.

They talk about missing ordinary things, like doors that lock, floors that are dry, and nights without smoke. They talk about children growing up too fast, about illness that lingers, about days that blend into each other.

One displaced man summed it up simply: “We are alive, but this is not living.”

In a nutshell, survival continues, measured in blankets, liters of water, and the hope that tomorrow will bring something other than uncertainty to breathe.

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Board of Peace Explained: New Global Peace Architecture or Another Power Play?

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Board-of-Peace-Explained-New-Global-Peace-Architecture-or-Another-Power-Play

This is not just about a region in this world where human rights are not given, and people are being killed. It is about humanity, life, and the very foundations of values that humans are living with. When Gaza is discussed today, it is rarely in the language of rights. It is discussed as a problem to be solved, a territory to be stabilized, and a population to be administered.

The announcement of a new international “Board of Peace” fits neatly into this pattern. Presented as a bold initiative to guide Gaza out of conflict and into reconstruction, the Board of Peace has been framed by its sponsors as innovative, inclusive, and forward-looking. Yet for Palestinians, the announcement raises an older, still unresolved question: Who decides Gaza’s future, and on what authority?

What Is the Board of Peace?

The Board of Peace was announced by US President Donald Trump as part of a broader Phase Two Gaza plan, marking a shift from ceasefire management to post-genocide governance and reconstruction.

According to official descriptions, the board is meant to:

  • Oversee Gaza’s political transition
  • Coordinate reconstruction funding and investment
  • Provide international supervision during a “transitional” period

Trump declared himself chair of the board and described it as a high-level body composed of political leaders, financial figures, and diplomatic actors. Unlike the United Nations, the board has no clear treaty basis, no General Assembly mandate, and no defined accountability mechanism.

It is powerful not because it is formal, but because it is backed by money, political leverage, and security control.

Who is on the Board?

The individuals named or referenced in connection with the Board of Peace are not neutral facilitators.

The board’s executive circle includes:

  • Marco Rubio, US Senator and the Secretary of State
  • Tony Blair, former UK prime minister
  • Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and former Middle East envoy
  • Steve Witkoff, US real estate magnate and political donor
  • Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank

These are figures associated with Western political power, financial institutions, and security-centric diplomacy. None are elected Palestinian representatives. None comes from Gaza. The imbalance is structural, not incidental.

Which Countries Were Invited?

One of the board’s defining features is its attempt to project global legitimacy through invited state participation.

According to credible sources, Trump sent invitations to around 60 world leaders. Those explicitly named in reporting include:

  • Turkey (President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan)
  • Egypt (President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi)
  • Canada (Prime Minister Mark Carney)
  • Argentina (President Javier Milei)

Moreover, some diplomatic sources also indicate the list includes:

  • Britain
  • Germany
  • Italy
  • Morocco
  • Indonesia
  • Australia

The Palestinian Face of the Plan: Who Is Ali Shaath?

To provide the plan with Palestinian leadership, the US has backed Ali Shaath as head of the transitional Palestinian committee that will administer Gaza’s civil affairs under the Board of Peace.

Shaath’s profile is central to understanding how this governance model is being sold.

Here is a quick overview of Ali Shaath:

  • He was born in 1958 in Khan Younis
  • He is a civil engineer with a PhD from Queen’s University Belfast
  • He previously served as deputy minister of planning in the Palestinian Authority
  • He has worked on industrial zone projects in both Gaza and the West Bank

Shaath has spoken publicly about the scale of Gaza’s destruction, estimating around 68 million tons of rubble, much of it contaminated with unexploded ordnance. He has suggested that clearing debris could take three years, with full recovery achievable in seven years. It seems to be a far more optimistic timeline than UN estimates, which warn that rebuilding could extend beyond 2040.

Politically, Shaath has been described as acceptable to both Hamas and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, precisely because he is positioned as a technocrat rather than a political leader. However, it is yet to be observed how he would work with the other members.

Governance Without Sovereignty

The Palestinian committee, chaired by Shaath, has issued a mission statement pledging to restore services, rebuild infrastructure, and stabilize daily life in Gaza.

The committee describes its work as “rooted in peace” and focused on technocratic administration rather than politics.

Yet the committee:

  • Controls no borders
  • Commands no security forces
  • Regulates no airspace or coastline
  • Has no electoral mandate

It governs without power, while power remains in external hands.

When it comes to the reaction of the people of Gaza, they showed mixed feelings of skepticism over hope. Some Palestinians express cautious hope that any plan might bring electricity, water, and an end to constant displacement. Others see the Board of Peace as another externally designed structure that manages Gaza without addressing the occupation.

Peace Architecture or Power Management?

The Board of Peace is being presented as an innovation. However, history offers a cautionary lens.

Temporary governance structures in occupied or post-conflict territories have a habit of becoming permanent. Reconstruction becomes conditional. Aid becomes leverage. Administration replaces self-determination.

In a nutshell, the Board of Peace asks the world to believe that stability can precede justice, and that governance can substitute for freedom.

For Palestinians, the unanswered question is simpler and older:

If Gaza’s future is designed in Washington, financed in global capitals, and overseen by external boards—where does Palestinian self-determination actually begin?

Until that question is addressed, the Board of Peace risks becoming not a new architecture for peace, but another structure built on the same imbalance that has kept Gaza unfree for decades.

Peace cannot be outsourced, and a people cannot be rebuilt while being brutally ruled.

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