Tyranny is the first step towards a tyrant’s demise!
– Author
Islam and India, even with a 1000 years long relationship, are still struggling to co-exist. Is India the right word to use here, or Hinduism, we will let you decide!
But first, we know that Islam in India began through invasions and invaders are always resented. That hatred has survived even in the modern age and is the main reason for the uprisings against the Muslims.
Let us deliberate on the current situation in India that has resulted in major criticism from the international world. Specifically, because of its unjustified, cruel, and anti-human progressions against the local Muslim community.
This tyranny includes the burning of Mosques and the Quran, the two most sacred things to Muslims. North of it, we find the genocide of Muslims that has been going on for decades in Kashmir.
The result, “Modi’s India has no space for Muslims” and similar slogans start pouring out on screens.
Here’s the future of Muslims in India as we see it!
The Hindu vs. Muslim dilemma!
Muslims form the second largest ethnic group in India and have been in the power for more than 1000 years. The balance of power shifted towards Muslims throughout Indian history from Mongols, native Indians, and many other invading parties only to lose to the British East India Company in 1857.
Being ruled by the Muslims in the land that had previously been ruled by Hindus gave birth to an ideology that would eventually lead to the partition of the Indian sub-continent.
What is the main problem between Hindus and Muslims in India?
Communal violence is the biggest problem between Hindus and Muslims. Every day hundreds of people sacrifice their lives in the name of religion. But in reality, it is just illiteracy that is provoking them to criticize one another’s religious rituals by using weapons in the flow of their emotions.
Which is the best state in India for Muslims?
Uttar Pradesh has apprehended the best state for Indian Muslims to live by. Because among all states of India, Uttar Pradesh is the only state where Muslims are in majority approximately 38,483,967 as per the census report.
Which conflict is going on between India and Pakistan?
One of the greatest unrest and long-running conflict between India and Muslims is the Kashmir dispute. Other than the Kashmir dispute, terrorism over the borders is also the biggest issue that is needed to sort out.
Why do communal riots happen in India?
The issue of religious violence has been flourishing right after the British Empire. In the name of religion, people commit assassinations blindly. And virtually, there is great bloodshed throughout history and contemporarily.
Genocide of Muslims in India
As far as impending refugee crises of Muslims in India are concerned, similarly, the genocide of Muslims is also significant. Various forecasters have depicted there is a big chance of this occurrence taking presently on in the upcoming days. But here is a piece of evidence that delineates the looming bloodletting of Muslims in India on a big scale.
For sure, it was a systematic proceeding that was virtually started in 2017 against Rohingya Muslims by the parallel policies of Narendra Modi and Myanmar’s government. Gregory Stanton’s prophecy regarding Muslim violence in India has emerged.
However, as evidence, you can see the worst happenings with Muslims for their entire eradication from India such as advice by Indian religious figures to pick up weapons and take action against Muslim minorities, setting their homes on fire, and demolishing their life resources as well.
It is such a huge massacre warning that ensures the abolishment of Muslim individuals and their territories.
Hate speech, violence, and lynching against Muslims are on the rise in India. According to Muslims, they have been suffering from oppressive attacks since the time of PM Narendra Modi and his BJP empowerment in 2014. Whilst BJP defies to tyrannize the Muslim communities presiding over the outlawing of Islam in India.
Without any doubt, anti-Muslim victimization is at its peak point. Now here the question arises of whether this violence could lead to genocides? Concerning Gregory Stanton’s words; “we are warning that genocide could very well happen in India”.
Yet, genocide is all about the intention to destroy in part or whole, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. Genocide is not a sudden occurring event, rather it is an agenda with a pre-planning process.
News of religious riots has been pouring in from many places in India such as; Jahangirpur, Uttrakhand, Gujrat, Karnataka, and many others. These are the current examples of communal riots but if we look into the history, there has been a big chain of events as a trend for the last several years.
This general trend depicts where people are increasingly getting more hateful of religion. Minister of state for home affairs, Nityanand Rai informed the parliament, that during the period from 2016 to 2020, there were about 3400 communal/religious riots.
A pattern is emerging from these riots. A mob carries weapons and swords and takes out a rally. Then some will abuse others’ religion, especially that of Muslims and some will throw stones at each other by claiming that outsiders were brought for rioting.
Moreover, some political and religious figures would give hate speeches later to ignite their emotions.
Here the question is that why is it happening? Who is responsible and what are the solutions?
In this violence, if a Hindu kills a Muslim, he just sees whether he is a Muslim or Hindu, nothing else more. The major reason behind this is their herd mentality which leads them to pick up the weapons to show their maintenance.
Nevertheless, religious conflicts between Indians and Muslims are from the starting day of the partition of the subcontinent. Barbaric riots of Indians tried their best to eradicate Muslims and Islam by setting Quran, and mosques to fire. Resultantly, on a large scale, sectarian controversy and bloodshed spread overall.
Kashmir Crisis
After the British Empire, 550 princely states were free to choose their independence or join any other nation. But unfortunately, the Indian prince ruled the princely state of ‘Kashmir’ and it lead to the occupation of the Indian government. Since the people there are mostly Muslims, Islam in India took a hit!
The very first Kashmir conflict between Muslims and Indians started in 1947 at the time of the partition of India. Islam in InAnd Indians revoked article 370. Presently, at the hands of the Indian army, Muslims of Kashmir are losing their lives and resources along with their human rights to live.
Furthermore, atrocity by the Indian government and Indian Army is crushing the right of speech and that of movement of Kashmiri people day by day by inflicting a curfew there. People are living intimidating and miserable life with blockage of all communication.
Hence, this dispute could only be solved bilaterally or by other peaceful means.
Conclusion
It is quite easy to talk about Islam in India, however, the list of disputes is quite long, and it is even difficult to devise solutions. No solution can solve the Indian-Muslim conflicts until and unless the mutual distrust issue is resolved between the two nations.
However, religious, ethnic, political, economic, and refugee crises need an acknowledgement excluding emotions for the purpose to generalize practical solutions for the betterment of both states.
Gaza’s future is being discussed in rooms far from the people still living inside its ruins. At the United Nations General Assembly in New York this year, diplomats spoke about recovery, reconstruction, governance, aid, security, and statehood. Plans were presented, statements were issued, and powerful governments tried to shape what comes after Israel’s genocide in Gaza.
Yet Palestinians in Gaza remain trapped between destroyed homes, restricted movement, unreliable aid, and the fear that international promises will become another layer of control. The question is not whether the world can announce another plan. The question is whether Palestinians will be allowed to rebuild their own future with freedom and dignity.
A Recovery Plan With Big Numbers
On the sidelines of UNGA, Trump’s Board of Peace presented a six-month Gaza recovery plan worth $2.45 billion. The proposal includes 66 programmes covering infrastructure, economic recovery, human development, digital systems, legal affairs, peace and security.
Although the numbers sound large, Gaza’s destruction is far larger. The plan estimates physical damage at $35.2 billion, while full recovery and reconstruction may require about $71.4 billion over the next decade. That gap alone shows how limited a short-term package can be.
More importantly, Gaza is not only short of money. In fact, it is short of freedom. Roads cannot be repaired without machinery. Hospitals cannot function without fuel, medicine, and safe supply routes. Likewise, schools cannot reopen properly when children are displaced, teachers are living in tents, and families fear another heinous Israeli attack.
A recovery plan cannot work if Gaza remains under genocide, siege, military pressure, and political uncertainty.
International Support Still Faces Israel’s Control
Foreign ministers from numerous Islamic countries, including Qatar, Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Indonesia, Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia also met in New York during UNGA and expressed concern over Gaza’s ongoing genocide and suffering. They extended their support for the recovery efforts but also called on Israel to fulfil its commitments, including safe aid access, early recovery supplies and rehabilitation of critical infrastructure.
These statements show that major Arab and Muslim countries want Gaza’s genocide kept on the global agenda. It also links recovery with Palestinian self-determination and statehood.
However, statements cannot rebuild Gaza if Israel still controls the practical conditions of life illegally.
Netanyahu’s Election Shadow
These UNGA discussions are taking place as Israel heads towards its October 27, 2026 election. Netanyahu is again campaigning as Israel’s protector, using familiar security language despite the failures exposed by October 7 and the global backlash over Gaza genocide.
This matters a lot because Israeli elections often turn Palestinian life into campaign material. Gaza’s reconstruction, Israeli withdrawal, humanitarian access and Palestinian governance can all be delayed or hardened when politicians compete to appear tougher.
At the UN, Netanyahu defended Israel while many delegates walked out. He framed Israel’s genocides as a fight across several fronts, trying to shift attention from Palestinian civilians to Israel’s security narrative. But the destruction of Gaza cannot be hidden behind campaign language. Israel’s genocide has left Palestinians without homes, hospitals, schools, safety, and normal life that is apparent.
Gaza Is Not a Bargaining Chip
Gaza is now tied to a wider Middle East struggle involving Israel, Iran, Lebanon, Yemen, Red Sea routes, US strategy, Arab normalisation, and Gulf diplomacy. Powerful states treat Gaza as one file in a regional settlement.
But in reality, Palestinians are not bargaining chips. They are the people whose land was destroyed, children were killed, homes were turned into rubble, and the future is being discussed without enough Palestinian power in the room.
Recovery or Control?
There is a significant difference between rebuilding Gaza and managing Gaza.
Rebuilding means restoring homes, hospitals, schools, water, electricity, jobs, movement, and Palestinian political rights. While managing means controlling aid, delaying materials, conditioning governance, and keeping Palestinians dependent on permission.
The Board of Peace plan may become useful if it opens the way to real reconstruction, Palestinian unity and freedom. But if it rebuilds selected projects while Israel keeps control, it risks becoming another mechanism for managing Palestinians inside a destroyed territory.
In fact, Gaza does not need to be treated forever as a humanitarian project. It needs to be rebuilt as part of a free Palestine.
In a nutshell, UNGA speeches, recovery funds and international statements will matter only if they lead to Palestinian return, reconstruction, self-determination and safety. Gaza’s future cannot be built in New York alone. It must be built by Palestinians, in Palestine, with freedom at the centre.
They left Gaza to survive, not to disappear completely. More than 100,000 Palestinians from Gaza remain overseas after fleeing Israel’s genocide. Some escaped through Egypt for medical treatment, while others left with wounded children, elderly parents, or whatever relatives they could still protect.
Many expect to return once the bombing stops and a real ceasefire actually takes place. They remain scattered across Cairo, Turkey, and other countries, watching their homeland from a distance while the path back remains blocked by insecurity, destroyed homes, and genocide.
As per credible sources, only around 7,000 Palestinians have returned to Gaza. For the rest, exile has become a waiting room without a clear door out. Israel still controls more than 60% of the territory, airstrikes continue, and most Palestinians inside Gaza remain crowded into areas of temporary shelter with inadequate aid and no real reconstruction in sight.
Unfortunately, this is not ordinary migration. It is not the search for a better salary, a foreign passport, or a comfortable life abroad. In fact, it is forced displacement shaped by bombing, grief, closed crossings and the fear that temporary escape may become permanent removal.
Leaving Was Not Abandonment
The powerful story of Omar al-Hassayna shows the scale of the wound. He fled Gaza for Cairo after an Israeli strike destroyed apartment buildings in Gaza City where relatives had gathered for shelter. Consequently, around 308 members of his extended family were killed in that attack. His wife, four adult sons and four small grandchildren were among the dead. In August, he watched from Cairo as relatives buried 112 family members whose bodies had been recovered from the rubble, while dozens were still missing.
A man carrying that grief is not a migrant who has “moved on.” In reality, he is a survivor whose family, business, neighbourhood, and future were torn apart by Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Like thousands of others abroad, he is not free in the way outsiders imagine. He is safe from the immediate bomb, but not free from Gaza. His dead are there along with his memories and identity.
That is why the language matters. To call these Palestinians simply “overseas” or “abroad” misses the violence behind their absence. Many were pushed out by conditions Israel created: mass bombardment, destroyed hospitals, starvation, rubble-filled streets, and the collapse of ordinary life. Their displacement cannot be separated from the machinery that made Gaza unlivable.
The Right to Return Is Not Sentiment
For Palestinians, return is not nostalgia, but a political and moral right.
In reality, a person cannot be told to leave under fire and then be treated as though their absence has weakened their claim to home. A family does not lose Gaza because it crossed into Egypt to save a wounded child. A mother does not lose her street because her house was bombed. Likewise, a refugee does not stop being Palestinian because the world finds their return inconvenient.
This is why Gaza’s new exile carries the shadow of the Nakba. Palestinians know what can happen when “temporary” displacement becomes permanent. In 1948, families who believed they would soon return became refugees for generations. Today, many Gazans fear the same pattern.
In this regard, Reuters reported that some Israeli politicians have urged policies encouraging Gaza’s population to leave and preventing those who left from returning. That is not a minor political detail. It reveals why Palestinians are right to fear that displacement is not only a side effect of Israel’s genocide, but one of its possible outcomes.
Families Scattered Across Countries
Unfortunately, Gaza’s exile has split families into pieces. One daughter may be in Turkey for medical reasons, while her brother is in Cairo. A widow may be living with children in another rented room. Other relatives may still be inside Gaza, surviving in tents or damaged buildings. The family WhatsApp group becomes a map of loss – who escaped, who stayed, who died, who is missing, who cannot cross back.
These separations do not end when the genocidal bombing pauses. They continue in residency problems, unpaid rent, temporary visas, medical bills, language barriers, and the humiliation of depending on savings or charity. Many Gazans abroad cannot work legally or plan long-term. They are not fully settled where they are, yet Gaza remains unsafe and unreconstructed.
This is how genocide continues beyond the battlefield. It breaks the bonds that allow a people to live together, including a home, street, school, work, burial, marriage, memory, and return.
During the last week of August, an Israeli strike hit a building in Bureij refugee camp. Unfortunately, some families could not escape. A four-year-old innocent boy was killed, while his mother and sister were wounded. Moreover, Israel also struck Shati refugee camp, saying weapons were stored inside two mosques but providing no public evidence.
Such attacks are why NAZA cannot be treated as a film about some past violence. It arrived while Palestinians were still being brutally killed by the military system its witnesses describe.
What the Word “NAZA” Hides
NAZA is a Hebrew military acronym for “collateral damage.” It refers to the number of civilians expected to die in an approved strike.
Shockingly, the term turns a mother, a child, or an entire family into a figure beside a proposed target. Their deaths are not discovered only after the bomb falls. According to testimony in the film, they can be anticipated before an attack is authorised.
In fact, the documentary challenges Israel’s claim that Gaza’s civilian toll resulted mainly from accidents, individual failures, or Hamas operating among civilians.
Twenty-Four Voices From Inside the System
The film was directed by renowned Israeli journalists Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, who worked on the Oscar-winning No Other Land. They spent three straight years gathering testimony from 24 Israeli soldiers and intelligence officers.
The interviews were recorded secretly on Tel Aviv rooftops. The faces and voices of these officers were altered because the participants feared retaliation. Some spoke with guilt, while others appeared indifferent or proud. The directors kept the focus on what they did rather than how they felt.
The witnesses describe surveillance, casualty estimates and remote bombing. Several discuss AI-assisted systems that processed information taken from thousands of Palestinian phones. Calls, locations and personal connections could help identify an alleged Hamas member.
One account describes words detected through a child’s phone indicating that her father had returned home. That information could trigger an airstrike on the family residence. Many people identified by these systems were alleged low-ranking members, yet their homes could be bombed while relatives were present.
In fact, an algorithm did not make these decisions alone. Officers supplied the data, commanders set the rules and human beings approved the attacks.
Families Were Included in the Calculation
One insider claims that approval was granted for an attack expected to kill 500 civilians to strike one Hamas member. The Israeli military has denied planning or approving an operation with 500 anticipated deaths.
That denial must be acknowledged, but it does not answer the testimony. Several witnesses describe civilians receiving an acceptable casualty number before strikes. They also describe attacks in which the suspected target was not confirmed inside the building.
Additionally, other accounts concern Palestinians killed after entering exclusion zones that residents could not see. Witnesses also discuss attacks near aid distribution points. Israel acknowledged that civilians were harmed at these locations and said it changed its rules.
The pattern described is not a handful of soldiers disobeying orders. It is a method built into targeting decisions.
The Refugee Camps Show the Killing Has Not Ended
The Bureij attack was not an isolated act of genocide. During the first week of September, 17-year-old Ibrahim al-Hash was killed in an Israeli drone strike in Jabalia refugee camp. Eight days later, drones struck Nuseirat camp and wounded several Palestinians, some critically. Israeli forces also opened fire near Jabalia.
These are densely populated communities where generations of Palestinians displaced during the Nakba have lived. Their homes and shelters have deliberately been attacked throughout the genocide.
Israel says its strikes target militants, weapons stores or people entering restricted areas. In reality, its explanations often come without evidence that families or independent investigators can examine.
By the second week of September, Gaza’s Health Ministry reported that Israel had killed 1,369 Palestinians and wounded 4,627 since the October 2025 ceasefire. The wider toll since October 2023 had reached at least 73,783 killed and 174,738 wounded.
Palestinians Had Already Told the World
NAZA does not make Palestinian suffering true because Israelis now describe it. Palestinian journalists, doctors, rescue workers and survivors have documented attacks on homes, hospitals, schools, tents and aid seekers throughout the genocide.
Their testimony was doubted or placed beneath Israeli military statements. The film matters significantly because people who operated the surveillance and targeting systems now describe the machinery in its own language.
Their accounts support a record Palestinians had already built with their blood, photographs and names.
Israel Turned on the Filmmakers
NAZA received a 25-minute ovation at the Venice Film Festival and won the Special Jury Prize. However, Israel’s leadership responded with fury.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the documentary antisemitic incitement. Their military chiefEyal Zamir accused it of falsehoods and directed military lawyers to examine possible action. Culture Minister Miki Zohar asked officials to consider stripping Abraham and Szor of their citizenship for alleged disloyalty.
This is not Antisemitism but evidence of Israeli crimes against Palestinians. The response also shows why insider testimony is dangerous. Palestinian witnesses are routinely dismissed as hostile. Israeli officers describing the same system are harder to silence.
Testimony Must Become Accountability
NAZA has broken through part of Israel’s machinery of denial. It presents insiders describing a system in which Palestinian families could be counted before they were killed.
Although a documentary cannot stop the next airstrike, its evidence must lead to independent investigations, an end to military support and accountability for those who designed, approved and protected the system.
Otherwise, NAZA will remain more than a film title. It will remain the cold number placed beside another Palestinian home.
