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The Crises of Multiculturalism In Europe And The Question Of The Muslim Immigration

The Crises of Multiculturalism in Europe

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In the part of the world considered to be the West, multiculturalism initially originated in the nineteenth century in the American context. Even then it was a broad phrase that was difficult to define since it has descriptive, strategic, and normative connotations. This discussion to this date still often pops up in political debates and government gatherings in Europe aimed at discussing what all things should be considered to encompass it. However, the generic definition refers to a society’s cultural, ethnic, and religious variety on an empirical level and clearly differs from monoculturalism or the presence of only one culture in a society. To understand the crises of multiculturalism in Europe, its important to understand generic meaning of multiculturalism.

Terence Turner, an anthropologist at the University of Chicago attempts to define multiculturalism in his 1993 essay in the following terms:

“In calling for the formal equality of all cultures within the purview of the state and its educational system, multiculturalism represents a demand for the dissociation (decentering) of the political community and its common social institutions from identification with any one cultural tradition.” (Turner)

Unlike other western countries such as the United States, Australia, and Canada, European countries were not very quick to welcome cultural diversity until the late twentieth century. Even the contemporary reality of Europe, keeping in view particular incidents like hate crimes in places like London and Germany against Muslims to the passing of laws such as the veil ban in France; dictates a crises of multiculturalism in Europe.

Read here, The Scope of inter-religious pluralism within Islam

When did European Nations Embrace Multiculturalism?

It is a widely held belief that European nations did not outrightly embrace multiculturalism until the late twentieth century. And that it was specifically the post-war immigration and country-specific measures to integrate incoming immigrants seeking asylum in Europe that preceded this newly approved transformation. As a result, when considering crises of multiculturalism in Europe, multicultural policies and in fact understanding this colossal concept in its entirety are almost always limited to the integration of immigrants who arrived during the post-war wave of migration.

The tense relationship that Europeans have with religiously and ethnically diverse minorities, notably Muslim immigrants, is at the center of both national and international discussions and disputes.

These current disputes and the debatable state of Muslim minorities in Europe, however, cannot be understood in isolation solely from the point of view of the present migrant or refugee crisis.

Even before the tragic 9/11 attacks or attacks in other parts of Europe like the London bombings on 7 July 2005 referred to as 7/7, ethnic and religious conflicts had already begun to prompt a reconsideration of multiculturalism as a sustainable ideology for Europe.

Multiculturalism, on the other hand, has become ingrained in most European countries’ daily lives and it won’t be incorrect to say that it cannot possibly be entirely reversed. However, issues arising at both the institutional and decision-making levels, as well as on the societal level through general public opinion, have made daily life more difficult for Muslims of various ethnocultural groups who are either living or wish to live their lives according to their religious and cultural traditions.

Also, read Communalism and Economic Marginalisation of Muslims

The question of Muslim migration in Europe

Europe has seen a record surge of asylum seekers from countries that are predominantly Muslim in recent years. This influx of Muslim migrants has sparked a huge debate in some nations concerning immigration and security policy, as well as concerns about the existing and future numbers of Muslims in Europe. The crises of multiculturalism in Europe is dictated to a very large extent by the question of the Muslim migration. Migration has been a contentious subject almost since the time of its inception.

But the more intriguing debate around the question of migration is always the largest influx of Muslim migrants. However, it is important to understand the history of Muslim migration in Europe. There are primarily two reasons why Muslim migrants were coming to Europe in large numbers and at a fast pace.

The first reason was the economic migration of Muslims from third-world countries in search of jobs and earning opportunities. The second reason was the numerous and continuous wars in predominately Muslim nations that pushed the fleeing Muslims to migrate to Europe.

Read here, Islamic Democracy: Is Democracy Compatible with Islam?

Economic migration of Muslims from third-world countries

Those who had previously left their nations in quest of work, social benefits, and greater earnings were the earlier migrants. The vast majority of these first-generation migrants arrived from third-world countries in the 1950s and 60s when they were young and looking for work. They had no intention of settling permanently, rather they only planned to come to earn enough money to save in order to send it back home. These migrants rarely got white-collar jobs and usually were restricted to doing manual work in factories and industries regarded as the “unprofessional work sector”.

Overall, these migrants helped towards the economic prosperity of many European countries by building railroads and roads, cleaning and maintaining the streets, government, and private offices, working in coal mines and industries, and taking up occupations that Europeans were unwilling to do themselves.

In Western Europe, there was no “migrant crisis” till then and, by extension, no “Muslim migration influx” until 1970 as such. In public spaces, migrants were mainly unnoticed, and Europeans were not only insensitive but indifferent to them. These migrants did not explicitly exhibit any radical or specific religious obligations, nor did they demand any space for it, since they did not want to dwell permanently in Europe.

Muslim migrants were not explicitly discriminated against or prejudiced due to their identity because they contributed to the well-being of European societies. While there was classism as well as racism, there was no manifestation of anything that would be recognized as Islamophobia. In short, migration was regarded as a benefit rather than a burden, and even less so as a threat.

Read here, The Forgotten Jammu Massacre

Muslims fleeing war and conflict in predominantly Muslim Nations

The second reason for the Muslim migrant influx in Europe is people fleeing war and conflict zones. Millions of people have been forced to escape their homes around the Muslim world due to a variety of such factors, including interstate conflicts, civil wars, US-led military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, in addition to a variety of other natural calamities like earthquakes and Tsunamis. Many people have crossed national boundaries and are now living as refugees in neighboring nations. Most of these migrants however preferred to go to European countries in search of asylum and larger educational and earning opportunities, but besides everything for a safe war-free environment.

While fleeing war and death in their own countries millions of Muslim migrants are still in limbo waiting for confirmation on whether they can make stable lives for themselves in European countries. However, many of the migrant Muslims who were seeking asylum in Europe and did actually manage to get in are still unsure if they can call Europe their home.

Despite the fact that the Muslim migrants were escaping war, they were later subjected to intolerance, discrimination, and violence in the countries in which they sought refuge.

Since, unlike the earlier economic migrants, these migrant Muslims came to Europe looking for a place to call home, they were exhibiting their religious identity in public, and it did not settle well with the Europeans this time. These Muslims living in Europe were started to be seen as outcasts based on the visibility of their “Muslimness’. Any outward display of Islam like the wearing of a hijab by Muslim women or the growing of a beard and wearing a skull cap by Muslim men started to be seen with contempt and resulted in the phenomenon of Islamophobia. While the roots of Islamophobia are widely contested, it only came to be recognized as an existing phenomenon around this time.

Also, read How Practical is the Secular Democracy of India? Curbing of Religious Freedom in Kashmir

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Washington’s Invisible Hand: How US Power Connects Gaza’s Genocide to the Iran War

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Washington usually describes itself as a peacemaker. Yet behind that language lies a trail of weapons, aircraft, military budgets and political protection. Follow it from Gaza to Iran, and America’s role becomes difficult to hide.

The Pentagon estimates that the Iran war will cost $37.5 billion through 30 September, while the current government has sought almost $90 billion more. Meanwhile, the World Food Programme needs $420 million to prevent deeper aid cuts in Gaza.

Projected US spending on the Iran conflict is nearly 90 times Gaza’s WFP funding gap. Washington mobilises enormous resources for warfare, but Palestinians facing genocidal hunger are told that humanitarian agencies lack money.

The Alliance Behind Gaza’s Ruins

Unfortunately, Israel’s genocide has devastated the entire lifecycle in Gaza. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been brutally killed, most residents displaced, and hospitals, schools, water networks, homes and farmland destroyed.

Even the October 2025 ceasefire did not make Palestinians safe. Israeli strikes continued, and more than 1,160 Palestinians had reportedly been killed during the ceasefire period.

Although Israel is the principal perpetrator, American support sustains its impunity. Washington supplies weapons, military cooperation and diplomatic cover while refusing to impose consequences strong enough to stop the attacks. Its statements about protecting civilians are contradicted by support for the government inflicting their suffering.

When Support Became Direct Intervention

The connection became clearer when the United States and Israel launched attacks on Iran on 28 February 2026. Iran retaliated, and what was presented as controlled military action developed into months of hostilities.

UN experts reported that unlawful operations between 28 February and early April killed at least 3,375 civilians. After an interim ceasefire collapsed, American forces conducted 13 consecutive nights of strikes.

Gaza created a dangerous precedent: mass suffering could be called self-defence while legal objections were ignored.

The Military Network Behind the Diplomacy

American involvement extends beyond money. By late June, 98 US military aircraft were stationed or operating in Israel. Additional aerial-refuelling planes were later deployed to military bases and commercial airports.

Ultimately, these tankers allow combat aircraft to fly farther and remain airborne longer. Their presence reduced activity at Ben Gurion Airport by about 70 percent.

The US House also passed a $1.15 trillion defence bill, highlighting expanded US–Israel military-technology cooperation. Thus, genocide in Gaza and escalation with Iran were being accompanied by plans to deepen the brutal alliance.

When Civilian Infrastructure Becomes a Target

President Trump threatened to destroy an Iranian bridge or power station whenever Iran was witnessed doing an unusual activity across the Strait of Hormuz. Such threats raise serious questions under international humanitarian law.

As per the international order, civilian infrastructure cannot lawfully be destroyed merely as punishment. Even where an installation has military use, an attack must meet the requirements of distinction, necessity and proportionality.

Gaza has shown what destroying essential systems means. Damaged electricity shuts down hospital equipment. Destroyed water networks spread disease. Blocked fuel stops ambulances, bakeries and sewage treatment. Civilians continue dying long after the aircraft leaves.

How the Conflict Reaches Across the Region

Iranian attacks have targeted US positions and facilities in Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan. On the other hand, the Yemeni Houthis have attacked Saudi oil infrastructure at Jizan and Yanbu and threatened Saudi-linked shipping in the Red Sea.

Renewed hostilities could end Yemen’s fragile ceasefire and revive a devastating conflict. Insecurity around the Strait of Hormuz and Red Sea also raises shipping, fuel and others costs.

The burden enters ordinary homes through expensive food, lost livelihoods and fear of further attacks. Muslim countries are being drawn into a confrontation shaped heavily by American and Israeli decisions, while the region’s civilians pay the price.

What Washington’s Priorities Look Like in Gaza

The contrast between military and humanitarian spending becomes clearest in Gaza through the following stats:

  • Around 1.4 million Palestinians would face acute hunger by December 2026.
  • Food rations for 220,000 households have already been halved by WFP.
  • Cash assistance for 75,000 people has been reduced by 25 percent only
  • WFP supports about 70 percent of Gaza’s population but requires another $420 million.

Gaza is not starving because food does not exist. Palestinians are hungry because Israel has devastated the enclave, restricted daily life and obstructed meaningful recovery through continued genocide.

Washington finds tens of billions for military operations. When Palestinian children need bread, water and medicine, the language changes to shortages and donor fatigue.

Making the Invisible Hand Visible

The US–Israeli partnership has produced neither justice for Palestinians nor security for the Middle East. It has enabled genocide in Gaza, protected occupation, widened conflict with Iran and increased the danger facing Yemen and the Gulf.

In a nutshell, Washington’s hand may be hidden beneath terms such as alliance and deterrence, but its effects are visible in Gaza’s empty kitchens, Iran’s damaged cities and civilian graves. Israel inflicts the principal violence on Palestinians, America provides vital power and protection, and ordinary families carry the loss.

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Israel’s Election Campaign Is Being Fought on Palestinian Land and Lives

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On 17 July 2026, Israel’s parliament dissolved ahead of national elections scheduled for 27 October. As usual, Israeli politicians turned to alliances, opinion polls and political survival. However, in occupied Palestine, families faced a more urgent question: who would survive the next Israeli genocidal attack?

The election will formally be decided at Israeli ballot boxes, but its campaign is already unfolding across Gaza, the occupied West Bank and Al-Aqsa Mosque. Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are competing to appear tougher on Palestinians and more committed to permanent Israeli control.

Gaza’s “Ceasefire” Still Produces Graves

Israel continues striking Gaza despite the ceasefire that began in October 2025. The bombing may be less intensive than during earlier stages of the genocide, but Palestinians are still being killed in homes and tents.

For example, on 21 July, an Israeli strike hit the al-Masri family’s home in Gaza City. Firas al-Masri, his wife Salsabeel and their four children were killed while sleeping. Meanwhile, twelve Palestinians were killed across Gaza that day, while more than 1,160 had reportedly been killed since the ceasefire began.

Amnesty International and a UN Commission of Inquiry have concluded that Israel is still committing genocide in Gaza.

Palestinian Suffering as Political Strength

Genocidal mastermind Benjamin Netanyahu enters the campaign under pressure over the October 2023 security failure, corruption proceedings and opposition. On his right, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich demand more settlements, harsher military operations and permanent Israeli control over occupied Palestinian territory.

This competition has created a cruel political test: which leader can punish Palestinians more severely and surrender less land?

The problem is not that every strike is necessarily ordered for electoral advantage. It is that Israel’s political system rewards escalation and genocide. Violence against Palestinians is marketed as strength, while restraint is attacked as weakness. Palestinian suffering becomes evidence that a candidate is “tough on security.”

Gaza Is Not Empty Land for Israeli Settlers

In July, Israeli settlers and politicians marched towards Gaza demanding the restoration of settlements dismantled in 2005. Their language of “returning home” concealed a fundamental reality, while Gaza is already the homeland of more than two million Palestinians.

Re-establishing Israeli settlements would require further land seizures, military control and forced Palestinian displacement.

Additionally, Israel is also constructing an earthen barrier more than 23 kilometres long inside Gaza along the so-called Yellow Line. Its forces control more than half of the enclave, while Palestinians have been compressed into a smaller coastal area.

What is described as a temporary security boundary will become a permanent border imposed without Palestinian consent. Gaza is being divided while Israeli politicians discuss taking land from which Palestinians have been driven.

Al-Aqsa Becomes an Electoral Stage

Unfortunately, on 23 July, more than 4,200 Israelis, including National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, entered the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound under heavy police protection. Nationalist displays and religious rituals challenged the longstanding arrangements governing the site.

For Muslims, Al-Aqsa is not a campaign backdrop. It is the first qiblah and one of Islam’s holiest places. Ben-Gvir’s repeated incursions demonstrate that Israel’s far right believes it can impose its will even within sacred Muslim space.

Each visit helps him appeal to extremists demanding greater Israeli control. Al-Aqsa is thus turned into a stage where provocation is performed for votes.

Settlers Attack, but Palestinians Receive the Punishment

The occupied West Bank shows how settler aggression and state power reinforce one another. In July, armed settlers entered the area around Tal, a Palestinian village near Nablus in Area A, where Israeli civilians are prohibited from entering. A confrontation followed in which four Palestinians were martyred, harming two Israeli soldiers.

Israel responded by sealing roads, raiding Palestinian homes and questioning approximately 80 villagers. Smotrich went further, calling for Palestinian villages to be cleared and settlements established in their place.

Moreover, recent UN figures show the wider crisis:

  • By 20 July, settler-related Palestinian deaths in 2026 had already exceeded the total recorded throughout 2025.
  • Settler attacks accounted for 55 percent of Palestinian injuries in the West Bank during 2026.
  • More than 2,300 Palestinians had been displaced by settler violence and related restrictions by early July.

The pattern seems familiar. Settlers enter Palestinian land and attack or provoke residents. Israeli genocidal forces arrive, but their overwhelming power falls upon Palestinians through arrests, closures and demolitions.

Buying Annexation Before the Election

Israel is using public money to make the occupation harder to reverse. The security cabinet approved 1.3 billion shekels, approximately $434 million, for 34 West Bank settlements.

These decisions brought the number of settlements initiated during Smotrich’s term to 103. Approximately 700,000 Israeli settlers now live among 2.7 million Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

Roads, budgets and legal recognition create realities that may survive even if Netanyahu loses. Palestinian land is effectively being distributed as an electoral reward to the settler movement.

In fact, for Palestinians, this campaign is not a televised debate. It is experienced through drones over Gaza, armed settlers entering villages, police surrounding Al-Aqsa, and bulldozers approaching homes.

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Gaza’s Genocide Hits 1,000 Days

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Unfortunately, more than 1000 days have now passed since October 7, 2023, when Israel launched what has become one of the most thoroughly documented genocides of the modern era. Although a so-called “ceasefire” has technically been in place since October 2025, the brutal killings haven’t stopped. Neither has the destruction, the displacement, or the impunity.

The Numbers on Day 1,000

More than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed in the genocide, over 21,000 of them children, an entire generation cut down before it had the chance to grow up. Thousands more remain missing, presumed buried under rubble that has never been cleared. Up to 90 percent of Gaza’s buildings and infrastructure have been damaged or destroyed.

Additionally, more than 200 journalists have been deliberately targeted and killed by Israel. It is the deadliest campaign against reporters anywhere in the world in decades — a body count that exists because Israel has worked to make sure the world sees as little of Gaza’s destruction as possible.

Even now, with a ceasefire nominally in force, Israel still occupies roughly 60 percent of the Gaza Strip. Netanyahu also ordered the Israel Defence Forces to push that to 70 percent or more.

A Ceasefire in Name Only

Officially on paper, the guns went quiet in October 2025 under a US-brokered agreement. Whereas in practice, Gaza’s own police force has been hunted since. The UN human rights office has documented more than a dozen separate Israeli attacks on Gaza’s police since January 2026 alone, killing at least 35 officers, alongside medics, local officials, and community figures.

Analysts studying the pattern describe it plainly as a deliberate strategy. A strategy to prevent any functioning Palestinian civil order from taking root, keeping Gaza too broken to govern itself and too dangerous for anyone else to try.

The “Peace Plan” That Was Never Allowed to Begin

The architecture proposed by the “Board of Peace” that was supposed to follow the ceasefire has collapsed into paperwork and stalled committees. Hamas formally dissolved its administration this month and handed authority to a transitional body of Palestinian technocrats. This body is also known as the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza.

However, Israel has refused to let the committee’s own members enter Gaza; they remain stuck in Cairo. The International Stabilization Force (ISF) promised under the peace framework has never been deployed. The so-called Board of Peace, chaired by Donald Trump and meant to oversee reconstruction, has advanced almost nothing, and its funding mechanism holds no money at all.

Instead, the Board recently announced that UNRWA, the UN agency that has supported Palestinian refugees for 75 years, “has no place in the new Gaza”. This is a heinous move that the Palestinian leadership condemned as an attempt to erase the Palestinian refugees and, with it, the right of return.

Cruelty as Policy: The Crocodile-Moat Prisons

If anyone doubted that dehumanization remains official Israeli policy rather than genocidal excess, this month supplied the proof. Israel’s environmental protection minister has signed an order reclassifying crocodiles as “managed wild animals.” Resultantly, it cleared the last legal obstacle to a proposal from National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir to surround prisons holding Palestinian detainees with crocodile-filled moats.

To practice this, the Israel Prison Service has already begun visiting zoos to study crocodile handling. Israeli officials are defending the plan on cost grounds. For example, they said that a young crocodile runs about $8,000, and an adult up to $20,000. So, the deterrent value of a moat full of predators for human beings is a line item to be budgeted rather than a moral horror to be condemned.

Roughly 9,500 Palestinians are currently held in torturous Israeli prisons, including women and children, most without ever being charged. Palestinian and Israeli rights groups alike have documented conditions of starvation, torture, and medical neglect inside these facilities.

These conditions have already killed dozens of detainees before a single moat has been dug. This same season, Israel’s Knesset passed a law making the death penalty the default sentence for Palestinians convicted in military courts. These are the tribunals that operate with none of the due-process protections a civilian court would be required to provide.

Washington’s Fingerprints Are on All of It

The United States brokered the so-called “ceasefire” and takes credit for the peace framework built on top of it. It has been far quieter about everything that has happened since.

Washington’s statements demand that Hamas disarm, but say surprisingly little about the near-daily Israeli strikes that keep breaking the ceasefire, the blockades on humanitarian aid, or the gradual Israeli withdrawal that was supposed to happen and hasn’t. The US has stayed silent as Israel carried out what amounts to a de facto annexation of the West Bank, conducted deadly military raids, and displaced hundreds of communities, which could be called “ethnic cleansing”.

American weapons, funding, and diplomatic cover have underwritten every phase of this genocide, from the first month to the thousandth day. In fact, it is the support that continued even after the International Court of Justice warned, in early 2024, that Israel’s conduct plausibly amounted to genocide under international law.

In a nutshell, the number will keep climbing for as long as the world continues treating Gaza as a diplomatic inconvenience rather than what a thousand days of evidence have already shown it to be.

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