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Vaccine Hesitancy: A Historic Recurrence

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In the fight against this deadly epidemic, the vaccine remains the world’s best weapon. Science, experience, and history prove that statement. Yet, many are still reluctant to take the vaccine. Thus, more than a year has passed since the start of the covid-19 pandemic, and fear is still blinding judgments while adding fire to the global vaccine hesitancy phenomena. However, vaccine hesitancy isn’t a new phenomenon. The world witnessed it throughout history and during many health crises.

General Public Mistrust

For political, ideological, and other reasons, some people always chose to spread misinformation about the vaccine no matter the era. Thus, since its discovery, most of the public regarded vaccines with suspicion and hostility. However, the primal reason behind this phenomenon isn’t some self-serving agenda or even ignorance. Instead, experts believe that the main reason resides with mistrust.

Vaccine hesitancy has less to do with misunderstanding the science and more to do with a general mistrust of scientific institutions and government,” says Maya Goldenberg, a philosophy expert at the University of Guelph, Ontario.

Therefore, throughout history, anxiety about unnatural substances, government surveillance, liberty violations, faith, infertility, disability, and disease fueled the hesitancy of vaccines. “The reasons people have hesitated reflect the cultural anxieties of their time and place,” Goldenberg stated.

Before the vaccines

When experts looked back on vaccines’ history, many discovered that the recurring hesitancy phenomenon somehow predated the legitimized vaccination procedures. Edward Jenner, an English physician, first conned the term “vaccinae” in 1796 when he studied smallpox. However, the process of triggering mild infection to boost immunity dates back to at least the 1000s in many parts of the world.

In 1783 and during smallpox, about one to two percent of the population died of such procedures. This number is much fewer than the 30 percent who died from smallpox.
However, that event, along with faith objection, set up the stages of public vaccine hesitancy.

Mandatory vaccination law

As history often proves, forcing the public to do something against their will usually yields opposite results. Thus, in 1809, when the United Kingdom passed the first mandatory vaccination law, the public retaliated. During that time, the anti-vaccines group consisted of poor people who rarely received any medical care and were suspicious of ulterior motives. Therefore, general mistrust of the government and science were once again the main factors.

Moreover, such movements continued to grow until they reached almost all of Europe. Therefore, the U.K ended up removing the vaccination-related penalties in 1898. Though this allowed the people to practice their right of choice, it also set an irredeemable milestone for the vaccine hesitancy phenomenon.

Breaking the cycle

When facing the unknown, it is only natural for fear to prevail. However, since COVID-19 is turning out to be a long-term problem, the world must break this centuries-old cycle. There is a vast difference between the small group of anti-vaccination and “the large swath of the population who is hesitant, questioning what is right for them, their families and their children,” stated Brian Zikmund-Fisher, Ph.D. professor of health behavior and health education at the University of Michigan.

Therefore, to break the cycle and spread trust, the world must not only rely on facts but also on empathy. Usually, such behaviors aren’t the product of mere whims but are the results of multiple semi-avoidable factors. Though the lack of knowledge is one of the most prominent challenges of the coronavirus pandemic, the spread of misinformation is far more fatal.

“We know from the psychology of decision-making that people’s risk perceptions are intimately linked to their benefit perceptions,” he added.“If we have a conversation about vaccine hesitancy, we also need a conversation about vaccine need and the threat and seriousness of the disease.”

According to Zikmund-Fisher, experience also plays a vital role. “The fact is COVID-19 is not something most people are experienced with until it’s too late,” he explains. “Until we know someone who is already sick, died, or spread it in our family, we don’t necessarily have that first-hand experience, and that’s one of the things that makes it hard to be concerned about it.”

All in all, history is repeating itself when it comes to the vaccine. However, to overcome the current and future health crises the world must break the cycle of hesitancy.

References:
J. (2021a, February 8). Overcoming COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy. M Health. https://healthblog.uofmhealth.org/wellness-prevention/overcoming-covid-19-vaccine-hesitancyL. (2021b, May 11). Vaccine hesitancy is nothing new. Here’s the damage it’s done over centuries. Science News. https://www.sciencenews.org/article/vaccine-hesitancy-history-damage-anti-vaccinationSchwartz, J. L. (2012, January 1). New Media, Old Messages: Themes in the History of Vaccine Hesitancy and Refusal. Journal of Ethics | American Medical Association. https://journalofethics.ama-assn.org/article/new-media-old-messages-themes-history-vaccine-hesitancy-and-refusal/2012-01

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Hind Rajab and Israel’s Machinery of Denial

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On August 19, 2026, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) finally admitted that its soldiers had fired at the car carrying five-year-old Hind Rajab and later shelled the ambulance sent to rescue her. Shockingly, this acknowledgement came 933 days after the brutal attack.

This wasn’t the discovery of new evidence but the collapse of an old lie. Palestinian witnessed and numerous independent investigators had already established that Israeli forces were present and that a tank had fired from close range. Initially, Israel denied responsibility until the evidence became impossible to silence.

In fact, Hind’s killing reveals more than one atrocity. It blatantly exposes a machinery of denial built to protect Israeli soldiers, commanders and political leaders from accountability.

The Child Left Inside the Car

Two years back, on January 29, 2024, Hind was travelling through Tel al-Hawa in Gaza City with her aunt, uncle and four cousins. The family was attempting to escape as Israeli troops advanced into the neighbourhood.

Israeli fire tore through their vehicle. Hind and her 15-year-old cousin, Layan Hamada, initially survived. Layan called the Palestine Red Crescent Society and described a tank beside the vehicle. Seconds later, intense gunfire ended her voice.

Hind was now alone among the bodies of her relatives. Emergency workers remained in intermittent contact with her as she waited in fear for someone to reach her.

She was not missing at an unknown location. Dispatchers knew where she was. Israeli forces controlled the area, and an innocent Palestinian child was still alive inside a clearly identifiable civilian vehicle.

The Rescue Israel Approved and Destroyed

The Palestine Red Crescent could not immediately send an ambulance because its workers spent hours seeking Israeli authorisation and arranging a safe route.

After numerous hours of waiting, permission was received, and paramedics Yusuf al-Zeino and Ahmed al-Madhoun drove towards Hind. Their ambulance displayed emergency lights. As they approached the car, their final radio transmission ended with an explosion.

Israeli forces remained in the area, preventing recovery teams from reaching the scene. Hind, her relatives and the two paramedics were found dead 12 days later, after the troops withdrew. The destroyed ambulance stood approximately 50 metres from the family’s car.

Israel had been informed about the medical mission. The ambulance followed a coordinated route. So, its destruction cannot honestly be reduced to a simple communication failure.

The Evidence Israel Could Not Bury

Forensic Architecture, Earshot and Al Jazeera reconstructed the attack using satellite imagery, audio ballistics, vehicle damage and 3D modelling. Their findings dismantled Israel’s initial denials:

  • Investigators mapped 335 bullet holes on the family’s car.
  • Layan’s final call captured 64 shots in six seconds.
  • Audio analysis placed the shooter only 13 to 23 metres away.
  • The firing position provided a clear view of the vehicle and its passengers.
  • Satellite images showed vehicles consistent with Israeli Merkava tanks nearby.
  • The ambulance damage matched the impact of a 120mm tank round.

The evidence did not describe distant or uncontrolled fire. It placed an Israeli tank close enough for its operator to see the people inside the car, including the children.

The ambulance wreckage told the same story. Its damage, the direction of impact, and the Israeli tanks visible in the area all pointed towards heinous Israeli fire.

Denial Was Part of the Crime

Israel first claimed that its troops were not present at all. When satellite and audio evidence contradicted that assertion, official explanations shifted towards uncertainty, possible crossfire, and failures of coordination. But now, the Israeli military eventually admitted that their soldiers fired at the car and that a shell was later directed at the ambulance.

This changing story was definitely an effort at damage control.

Israeli blunt denial forces Palestinian families to prove every killing while grieving their dead. It delays international anger and allows governments to continue supporting Israel while pretending that the facts remain unclear.

Moreover, the United States has helped sustain this system. Washington continued supplying Israel with weapons and diplomatic protection while treating Israeli internal reviews as credible. Palestinian evidence was subjected to endless suspicion; Israeli claims were granted patience and authority.

Hind Must Be Remembered as a Child

Hind’s recorded voice has become one of the most recognisable sounds of the Gaza genocide. Yet she must not be reduced to a recording, a film or a symbol.

She was an innocent Palestinian child waiting for adults to save her. The rescuers came only after securing permission, and Israel brutally killed them too. Her family then spent more than two years watching the truth treated as a dispute.

By now, more than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza. Most cases will never receive comparable forensic attention. Palestinian families should not need satellite images, international campaigns, and hundreds of bullet holes before the world agrees to believe them.

The Truth Never Needed Israel’s Permission

Israel’s admission did not make the Palestinian account true. It had always been true.

Hind’s trembling voice, the shattered ambulance, and the bullet-riddled car preserved what Israel tried to deny. Justice now requires an independent international process capable of prosecuting everyone responsible—not another internal investigation designed to bury accountability after failing to bury the evidence.

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Gaza Is Running Out of Graves

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When 20-year-old Omar al-Sawhi tried to bury his father in Gaza City, he found no affordable space. The cemetery was crowded with fresh graves, many identified only by stones and torn pieces of paper. Unable to pay for a new plot, the family eventually buried Mohammed in his own father’s grave.

This is what Israel’s brutal genocide has done to burial in Gaza. Palestinians are being killed faster than graves can be prepared. Cemeteries have been completely bulldozed, bodies remain beneath ruins, and families bury relatives beside tents and hospitals. In fact, Israel has denied Palestinians safety in life and dignity in death.

More Deaths and Fewer Places to Bury Them

Israel has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023. Thousands more are missing beneath destroyed buildings. Even after the October 2025 ceasefire announcement, at least 1,200 Palestinians have been killed.

Each body requires recovery, identification, and burial. Yet Gaza had only about 60 cemeteries before the genocide, and many were already close to capacity. Israeli attacks and movement restrictions have made much of the remaining land unusable.

Consequently, families must search for a grave while mourning relatives killed by the same military that destroyed the places meant to receive them.

Israel Has Erased Gaza’s Cemetery Map

Gaza’s Ministry of Endowments says more than 40 cemeteries have been destroyed by Israel. A wider assessment by Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor examined 62 official burial grounds and found the following:

  • 39 cemeteries destroyed
  • 19 partially damaged
  • Only four largely intact
  • 93.5% damaged or destroyed overall

Every official cemetery in Rafah was destroyed. Moreover, all 24 cemeteries in Khan Younis were targeted, as were all 10 in North Gaza.

This scale cannot be dismissed as scattered genocidal damage. Cemeteries preserve names, family histories, and generations of Palestinian connection to the land. Their destruction attacks the dead and Palestinians’ historical connection to the land.

Gardens, Schools and Hospitals Became Graveyards

With established cemeteries full, destroyed or behind Israeli-controlled lines, Palestinians have buried relatives wherever earth remains available. Graves have appeared in gardens, hospital courtyards, school grounds, displacement camps and beside tents.

Many have no proper headstones. Families use masonry from destroyed homes, corrugated metal, or handwritten paper to preserve a name. Another Israeli strike, heavy rain, or exposure can remove the only marker.

Even one Khan Younis cemetery contained about 60 graves when the genocide began. It now holds approximately 6,000. At the height of the killing, a gravedigger prepared as many as 35 graves in one day. Whole families, including babies and children, sometimes arrived together.

Even a Grave Has Become Unaffordable

A prepared grave can now cost between 700 and 1,000 shekels, approximately $235 to $335. Families stripped of homes, work, and savings cannot afford it.

Some reopen an older relative’s grave, while others share burial spaces or leave graves unfinished because cement and stone are scarce. Israel has impoverished Gaza and made burial another ordeal.

The Dead Are Returning Years Later

Some funerals held in 2026 are for Palestinians killed in 2023. In August, Gaza buried 112 members of the al-Hasayna and Abu Sharia families, whose remains had been trapped beneath destroyed residential buildings in the Sabra neighbourhood.

Moreover, Palestinian authorities said the November 2023 Israeli attack killed 308 people. Of the dead, 153 remained under the ruins. Gaza’s Civil Defence workers with limited machinery spent 17 days searching before recovering 112 remains. Their families waited nearly three years for a grave.

Another funeral was held on August 20 for 50 recently recovered Palestinians from three families. Authorities have also recovered 529 remains from seven mass graves created in hospital grounds.

Thousands Remain Beneath the Rubble

Gaza Civil Defence estimates that approximately 8,500 people remain missing beneath destroyed buildings. Recovery teams lack excavators, fuel, forensic laboratories and safe access to Israeli-controlled areas.

Evidently, around 68 million tonnes of rubble cover Gaza. It contains unexploded weapons, possessions, human remains and evidence of how people were killed. Crushing or removing debris without forensic care can fragment bodies, erase identities and destroy evidence needed for future prosecutions.

Families may know where someone disappeared but wait years for a body. Without remains, there can be no final funeral, confirmed grave, or certainty that the missing person has been found.

Destroying Graves Is Another Form of Erasure

In January 2026, Israeli forces bulldozed al-Batsh Cemetery east of Gaza City. Exhumation of more than 700 bodies was also documented. Remains were mixed, and the landscape was altered so severely that families could no longer locate previously marked graves.

Cemetery destruction also obstructs the process of justice. When bodies are moved, mixed, or crushed, investigators lose information about identity and cause of death. The state responsible for the genocide is damaging the physical record of its crimes.

The Graves Will Testify

Israel has turned homes into tombs and hospitals into mass burial grounds. Yet every recovered name and makeshift marker resists its attempt to erase Palestinian identity.

Gaza may be running out of graves, but Israel cannot bury the truth. The dead remain evidence, and their families continue demanding the dignity and justice that were denied to them.

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Settler Terror and the Theft of Palestinian Water

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Settler occupation has been a long-standing mechanism of Israel to illegally occupy Palestine. For instance, in Fasayil, Israeli settlers diverted a spring that irrigated Palestinian fields. In Qusra, settlers surrounded numerous Palestinian homes and cut residents off from essential supplies.

These are not isolated attacks by uncontrolled extremists. They are part of the Israeli strategy to seize Palestinian resources, terrorize families, and make remaining on their land increasingly impossible.

The weapons include bulldozers, water pumps, roadblocks and an occupation system that protects the aggressor while restricting the victim.

Fasayil: A Palestinian Spring Becomes a Settler Attraction

For farmers in Fasayil, in the Jordan Valley, the spring sustained crops, jobs and household survival. Settlers captured that lifeline by diverting its water into a pool promoted as an Israeli attraction.

A pipeline belonging to Palestinian farmer Saad Nemer was also seized in June. Water that once nourished Palestinian fields was redirected towards the settler-controlled site while nearby homes and farms faced extreme shortages.

So, the sequence is deliberate. Farming becomes unviable, and families face pressure to leave. The emptied land can then be absorbed into expanding Israeli control.

Qusra: Besieged Inside Their Own Homes

In Qusra, south of Nablus, more than 15 innocent Palestinians, including two children, were trapped in three homes for nearly a week. Settlers blocked food, medicine, and other necessities while residents lost water and electricity.

The Israeli military declared a closed zone and removed a makeshift settler tent. Soldiers later withdrew, but settlers remained with chairs and blankets outside the homes. The Palestinian families were still besieged.

Palestinians were imprisoned inside houses they owned while Israeli trespassers occupied the surrounding land. Even US Ambassador Mike Huckabee, a vocal supporter of Israeli settlements, described the perpetrators as “Israeli terrorists”.

His condemnation came only after international attention. It did not challenge the occupation system that allowed the siege to happen.

The Numbers Destroy the “Few Extremists” Excuse

By July 23, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs had documented the following:

  • More than 1,330 settler attacks across 250 Palestinian communities during this year.
  • An average of more than six attacks per day.
  • About 880 Palestinians injured, including 720 injured directly by settlers.
  • More than 18 Palestinians killed in settler-related incidents.
  • Approximately 160 water and sanitation structures damaged, destroyed or seized.

OCHA recorded another 38 attacks in one August week. In Tuba, Masafer Yatta, settlers injured five Palestinians and destroyed three homes, displacing 23 people, including 14 children.

Violence continues until communities become too isolated, impoverished, or frightened to remain.

Water Is Being Used to Empty the Land

Without reliable water, families cannot drink safely, cultivate crops, raise livestock, or maintain adequate sanitation. Attacking water ultimately damages an entire community at once.

Reports found average Israeli consumption at 247 litres per person daily, three times the 82.4 litres available to Palestinians in the West Bank. In Palestinian communities disconnected from the grid, daily consumption can fall to 26 litres per person.

Nature did not create this inequality. Israel controls infrastructure, drilling permissions and access to major sources. Israeli illegal settlers reinforce that control by attacking tanks, pipelines, wells and repair crews.

In January as well, settlers repeatedly attacked the Ein Samiya wells, damaging control equipment and cables. Workers attempting repairs were threatened and assaulted. The disruption affected a principal water source for about 20 villages and an estimated 100,000 Palestinians in eastern Ramallah.

Displacement Without an Expulsion Order

By June, more than 1,000 settler attacks had displaced over 2,200 Palestinians in 2026. Even Ras Ein al-Auja, one of the Jordan Valley’s largest Bedouin communities, was emptied after years of threats, livestock theft, water restrictions and violence. Moreover, about 600 residents were displaced in January.

Palestinian families may leave without receiving a formal expulsion order. They go because settlers seize grazing land, destroy water tanks, invade homes and threaten children. But then Israel portrays their departure as voluntary.

However, there is nothing voluntary about choosing between displacement and living without water, livelihood, or safety.

One Israeli Project Across Palestine

Gaza and the West Bank face different intensities of the same Israeli project. Gaza endures genocide, siege, and territorial fragmentation. Meanwhile, the West Bank confronts settlement expansion, military raids, settler terror and the steady theft of land and water.

Both aim to weaken Palestinian society and prevent a free, connected and sovereign Palestine. The International Court of Justice has concluded that Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful.

Yet foreign governments continue issuing statements while Israel changes reality on the ground.

In a nutshell, a stolen spring in Fasayil and besieged homes in Qusra tell the same story. Settlers take the resource, the occupation protects the seizure, and Palestinian families are expected to disappear completely.

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