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Israel’s Death Penalty Law Marks a New Phase in the Dehumanisation of Palestinians

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In another heinous assault on the basic human rights of the Palestinians, on March 30, Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, passed an unexpected law. It marked a significant shift in how Palestinian detainees may be treated under its legal system. The new law allows for the death penalty by hanging for Palestinians convicted in military courts of carrying out deadly attacks.

Moreover, this heinous legislation also enables executions to be carried out within 90 days, with no scope for appeal or clemency. This is not a routine legal amendment but a representation of a fundamental change in the structure of punishment under occupation. Resultantly, the intensity of this offensive law has triggered strong reactions not only from Palestinians but also from international observers and dozens of countries.

A System Already Defined by Imbalance

It seems to be a usual law passed by a parliament, but the unforgettable pain felt by the families of those prisoners is unimaginable. Mothers are crying in pain as they haven’t seen their sons for years, but this tragic news is already diminishing the hopes that they will see their sons one day.

To understand the significance of this law, it must be placed within the existing legal framework in the occupied territories.

Specifically, Palestinians in the West Bank are tried in military courts, while illegal Israeli settlers living in the same territory are subject to civilian law. This dual system has long been criticised by human rights organisations as inherently unequal.

According to credible reports, conviction rates in these military courts are estimated to be around 96%. For many Palestinians, this raises serious concerns about due process, legal representation, and the possibility of fair trials.

When the world is giving up on capital punishment, introducing it into such a system intensifies those concerns. It transforms a structure already seen as restrictive into one with irreversible consequences.

The Scope and Reality of the Law

After the law was passed, Champagne celebrations were seen in the Knesset. On the other hand, Palestinians cried with the impeccable burden of cruelty and barbarity. The law’s wording is broad, but its application is targeted.

While framed in general terms, it will overwhelmingly target Palestinians rather than Israeli citizens. Observers point out that Israeli civilians are rarely, if ever, prosecuted under the same framework or facing similar penalties for violence against Palestinians.

This disparity is central to the criticism surrounding the law. It is not only about punishment, but about who is punished and under what system.

Palestinian Reactions: Fear, Anger and Protest

The response from Palestinians has been immediate and visible due to the widespread impact of this heinous law. Resultantly, protests have taken place in both Gaza and the occupied West Bank. People gathered in numerous cities, such as Ramallah, voicing anger and concern over what they see as a dangerous escalation.

The law is being perceived as a direct threat to Palestinian detainees and prisoners. The families of these prisoners have expressed fear that this legislation could lead to executions under a system they already view as completely unjust.

International Response

Eight Muslim-majority countries, including Türkiye, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the UAE, have condemned the measure. The statements reflect extreme discrimination in Israel’s legal system. It could definitely further escalate tensions within the region.

The United Nations human rights leadership has openly stated that this law is inconsistent with international legal standards. It is ultimately an unimaginable move in the 21st century. Moreover, the European Union has also expressed concern, signaling that the law could complicate an already fragile situation in the region.

A Broader Context: Accountability and Impunity

The controversy surrounding the law is not occurring in isolation. The lack of accountability for violence against Palestinians in the West Bank is one of the most concerning issues. Reports indicate that no Israeli citizen has been prosecuted for killing Palestinian civilians in the territory since 2020, despite hundreds of fatalities.

At the same time, Palestinian civilians, including children, have been among those killed in ongoing operations and confrontations.

This contrast has become central to the debate. While one side faces increasing legal penalties, including the possibility of execution, the other is widely perceived as operating with far fewer legal consequences.

Capital Punishment and a Break from Precedent

It is believed that Israel has not carried out an execution since 1962, when Adolf Eichmann was executed following a conviction for war crimes. However, Israel is evidently involved in killing thousands of innocent Palestinians, butchering mothers, children, and the elderly in its genocidal activities.

Apparently, for decades, the death penalty has effectively been dormant in Israeli law. The new legislation represents a sharp departure from that practice.

Globally, many countries have moved away from capital punishment, citing concerns over human rights and judicial errors. Against that backdrop, the introduction of a law enabling executions under military jurisdiction stands out as a significant shift.

The law has already triggered protests, diplomatic responses, and legal criticism. It has a long-term impact as it represents state brutality. This act is far from the perceptions of justice, accountability, and equality. But, at its core, the debate is not only about law, but it is about the system of genocide that is being built on the legal framework.

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Hind Rajab and Israel’s Machinery of Denial

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On August 19, 2026, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) finally admitted that its soldiers had fired at the car carrying five-year-old Hind Rajab and later shelled the ambulance sent to rescue her. Shockingly, this acknowledgement came 933 days after the brutal attack.

This wasn’t the discovery of new evidence but the collapse of an old lie. Palestinian witnessed and numerous independent investigators had already established that Israeli forces were present and that a tank had fired from close range. Initially, Israel denied responsibility until the evidence became impossible to silence.

In fact, Hind’s killing reveals more than one atrocity. It blatantly exposes a machinery of denial built to protect Israeli soldiers, commanders and political leaders from accountability.

The Child Left Inside the Car

Two years back, on January 29, 2024, Hind was travelling through Tel al-Hawa in Gaza City with her aunt, uncle and four cousins. The family was attempting to escape as Israeli troops advanced into the neighbourhood.

Israeli fire tore through their vehicle. Hind and her 15-year-old cousin, Layan Hamada, initially survived. Layan called the Palestine Red Crescent Society and described a tank beside the vehicle. Seconds later, intense gunfire ended her voice.

Hind was now alone among the bodies of her relatives. Emergency workers remained in intermittent contact with her as she waited in fear for someone to reach her.

She was not missing at an unknown location. Dispatchers knew where she was. Israeli forces controlled the area, and an innocent Palestinian child was still alive inside a clearly identifiable civilian vehicle.

The Rescue Israel Approved and Destroyed

The Palestine Red Crescent could not immediately send an ambulance because its workers spent hours seeking Israeli authorisation and arranging a safe route.

After numerous hours of waiting, permission was received, and paramedics Yusuf al-Zeino and Ahmed al-Madhoun drove towards Hind. Their ambulance displayed emergency lights. As they approached the car, their final radio transmission ended with an explosion.

Israeli forces remained in the area, preventing recovery teams from reaching the scene. Hind, her relatives and the two paramedics were found dead 12 days later, after the troops withdrew. The destroyed ambulance stood approximately 50 metres from the family’s car.

Israel had been informed about the medical mission. The ambulance followed a coordinated route. So, its destruction cannot honestly be reduced to a simple communication failure.

The Evidence Israel Could Not Bury

Forensic Architecture, Earshot and Al Jazeera reconstructed the attack using satellite imagery, audio ballistics, vehicle damage and 3D modelling. Their findings dismantled Israel’s initial denials:

  • Investigators mapped 335 bullet holes on the family’s car.
  • Layan’s final call captured 64 shots in six seconds.
  • Audio analysis placed the shooter only 13 to 23 metres away.
  • The firing position provided a clear view of the vehicle and its passengers.
  • Satellite images showed vehicles consistent with Israeli Merkava tanks nearby.
  • The ambulance damage matched the impact of a 120mm tank round.

The evidence did not describe distant or uncontrolled fire. It placed an Israeli tank close enough for its operator to see the people inside the car, including the children.

The ambulance wreckage told the same story. Its damage, the direction of impact, and the Israeli tanks visible in the area all pointed towards heinous Israeli fire.

Denial Was Part of the Crime

Israel first claimed that its troops were not present at all. When satellite and audio evidence contradicted that assertion, official explanations shifted towards uncertainty, possible crossfire, and failures of coordination. But now, the Israeli military eventually admitted that their soldiers fired at the car and that a shell was later directed at the ambulance.

This changing story was definitely an effort at damage control.

Israeli blunt denial forces Palestinian families to prove every killing while grieving their dead. It delays international anger and allows governments to continue supporting Israel while pretending that the facts remain unclear.

Moreover, the United States has helped sustain this system. Washington continued supplying Israel with weapons and diplomatic protection while treating Israeli internal reviews as credible. Palestinian evidence was subjected to endless suspicion; Israeli claims were granted patience and authority.

Hind Must Be Remembered as a Child

Hind’s recorded voice has become one of the most recognisable sounds of the Gaza genocide. Yet she must not be reduced to a recording, a film or a symbol.

She was an innocent Palestinian child waiting for adults to save her. The rescuers came only after securing permission, and Israel brutally killed them too. Her family then spent more than two years watching the truth treated as a dispute.

By now, more than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza. Most cases will never receive comparable forensic attention. Palestinian families should not need satellite images, international campaigns, and hundreds of bullet holes before the world agrees to believe them.

The Truth Never Needed Israel’s Permission

Israel’s admission did not make the Palestinian account true. It had always been true.

Hind’s trembling voice, the shattered ambulance, and the bullet-riddled car preserved what Israel tried to deny. Justice now requires an independent international process capable of prosecuting everyone responsible—not another internal investigation designed to bury accountability after failing to bury the evidence.

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Gaza Is Running Out of Graves

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When 20-year-old Omar al-Sawhi tried to bury his father in Gaza City, he found no affordable space. The cemetery was crowded with fresh graves, many identified only by stones and torn pieces of paper. Unable to pay for a new plot, the family eventually buried Mohammed in his own father’s grave.

This is what Israel’s brutal genocide has done to burial in Gaza. Palestinians are being killed faster than graves can be prepared. Cemeteries have been completely bulldozed, bodies remain beneath ruins, and families bury relatives beside tents and hospitals. In fact, Israel has denied Palestinians safety in life and dignity in death.

More Deaths and Fewer Places to Bury Them

Israel has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023. Thousands more are missing beneath destroyed buildings. Even after the October 2025 ceasefire announcement, at least 1,200 Palestinians have been killed.

Each body requires recovery, identification, and burial. Yet Gaza had only about 60 cemeteries before the genocide, and many were already close to capacity. Israeli attacks and movement restrictions have made much of the remaining land unusable.

Consequently, families must search for a grave while mourning relatives killed by the same military that destroyed the places meant to receive them.

Israel Has Erased Gaza’s Cemetery Map

Gaza’s Ministry of Endowments says more than 40 cemeteries have been destroyed by Israel. A wider assessment by Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor examined 62 official burial grounds and found the following:

  • 39 cemeteries destroyed
  • 19 partially damaged
  • Only four largely intact
  • 93.5% damaged or destroyed overall

Every official cemetery in Rafah was destroyed. Moreover, all 24 cemeteries in Khan Younis were targeted, as were all 10 in North Gaza.

This scale cannot be dismissed as scattered genocidal damage. Cemeteries preserve names, family histories, and generations of Palestinian connection to the land. Their destruction attacks the dead and Palestinians’ historical connection to the land.

Gardens, Schools and Hospitals Became Graveyards

With established cemeteries full, destroyed or behind Israeli-controlled lines, Palestinians have buried relatives wherever earth remains available. Graves have appeared in gardens, hospital courtyards, school grounds, displacement camps and beside tents.

Many have no proper headstones. Families use masonry from destroyed homes, corrugated metal, or handwritten paper to preserve a name. Another Israeli strike, heavy rain, or exposure can remove the only marker.

Even one Khan Younis cemetery contained about 60 graves when the genocide began. It now holds approximately 6,000. At the height of the killing, a gravedigger prepared as many as 35 graves in one day. Whole families, including babies and children, sometimes arrived together.

Even a Grave Has Become Unaffordable

A prepared grave can now cost between 700 and 1,000 shekels, approximately $235 to $335. Families stripped of homes, work, and savings cannot afford it.

Some reopen an older relative’s grave, while others share burial spaces or leave graves unfinished because cement and stone are scarce. Israel has impoverished Gaza and made burial another ordeal.

The Dead Are Returning Years Later

Some funerals held in 2026 are for Palestinians killed in 2023. In August, Gaza buried 112 members of the al-Hasayna and Abu Sharia families, whose remains had been trapped beneath destroyed residential buildings in the Sabra neighbourhood.

Moreover, Palestinian authorities said the November 2023 Israeli attack killed 308 people. Of the dead, 153 remained under the ruins. Gaza’s Civil Defence workers with limited machinery spent 17 days searching before recovering 112 remains. Their families waited nearly three years for a grave.

Another funeral was held on August 20 for 50 recently recovered Palestinians from three families. Authorities have also recovered 529 remains from seven mass graves created in hospital grounds.

Thousands Remain Beneath the Rubble

Gaza Civil Defence estimates that approximately 8,500 people remain missing beneath destroyed buildings. Recovery teams lack excavators, fuel, forensic laboratories and safe access to Israeli-controlled areas.

Evidently, around 68 million tonnes of rubble cover Gaza. It contains unexploded weapons, possessions, human remains and evidence of how people were killed. Crushing or removing debris without forensic care can fragment bodies, erase identities and destroy evidence needed for future prosecutions.

Families may know where someone disappeared but wait years for a body. Without remains, there can be no final funeral, confirmed grave, or certainty that the missing person has been found.

Destroying Graves Is Another Form of Erasure

In January 2026, Israeli forces bulldozed al-Batsh Cemetery east of Gaza City. Exhumation of more than 700 bodies was also documented. Remains were mixed, and the landscape was altered so severely that families could no longer locate previously marked graves.

Cemetery destruction also obstructs the process of justice. When bodies are moved, mixed, or crushed, investigators lose information about identity and cause of death. The state responsible for the genocide is damaging the physical record of its crimes.

The Graves Will Testify

Israel has turned homes into tombs and hospitals into mass burial grounds. Yet every recovered name and makeshift marker resists its attempt to erase Palestinian identity.

Gaza may be running out of graves, but Israel cannot bury the truth. The dead remain evidence, and their families continue demanding the dignity and justice that were denied to them.

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Settler Terror and the Theft of Palestinian Water

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Settler occupation has been a long-standing mechanism of Israel to illegally occupy Palestine. For instance, in Fasayil, Israeli settlers diverted a spring that irrigated Palestinian fields. In Qusra, settlers surrounded numerous Palestinian homes and cut residents off from essential supplies.

These are not isolated attacks by uncontrolled extremists. They are part of the Israeli strategy to seize Palestinian resources, terrorize families, and make remaining on their land increasingly impossible.

The weapons include bulldozers, water pumps, roadblocks and an occupation system that protects the aggressor while restricting the victim.

Fasayil: A Palestinian Spring Becomes a Settler Attraction

For farmers in Fasayil, in the Jordan Valley, the spring sustained crops, jobs and household survival. Settlers captured that lifeline by diverting its water into a pool promoted as an Israeli attraction.

A pipeline belonging to Palestinian farmer Saad Nemer was also seized in June. Water that once nourished Palestinian fields was redirected towards the settler-controlled site while nearby homes and farms faced extreme shortages.

So, the sequence is deliberate. Farming becomes unviable, and families face pressure to leave. The emptied land can then be absorbed into expanding Israeli control.

Qusra: Besieged Inside Their Own Homes

In Qusra, south of Nablus, more than 15 innocent Palestinians, including two children, were trapped in three homes for nearly a week. Settlers blocked food, medicine, and other necessities while residents lost water and electricity.

The Israeli military declared a closed zone and removed a makeshift settler tent. Soldiers later withdrew, but settlers remained with chairs and blankets outside the homes. The Palestinian families were still besieged.

Palestinians were imprisoned inside houses they owned while Israeli trespassers occupied the surrounding land. Even US Ambassador Mike Huckabee, a vocal supporter of Israeli settlements, described the perpetrators as “Israeli terrorists”.

His condemnation came only after international attention. It did not challenge the occupation system that allowed the siege to happen.

The Numbers Destroy the “Few Extremists” Excuse

By July 23, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs had documented the following:

  • More than 1,330 settler attacks across 250 Palestinian communities during this year.
  • An average of more than six attacks per day.
  • About 880 Palestinians injured, including 720 injured directly by settlers.
  • More than 18 Palestinians killed in settler-related incidents.
  • Approximately 160 water and sanitation structures damaged, destroyed or seized.

OCHA recorded another 38 attacks in one August week. In Tuba, Masafer Yatta, settlers injured five Palestinians and destroyed three homes, displacing 23 people, including 14 children.

Violence continues until communities become too isolated, impoverished, or frightened to remain.

Water Is Being Used to Empty the Land

Without reliable water, families cannot drink safely, cultivate crops, raise livestock, or maintain adequate sanitation. Attacking water ultimately damages an entire community at once.

Reports found average Israeli consumption at 247 litres per person daily, three times the 82.4 litres available to Palestinians in the West Bank. In Palestinian communities disconnected from the grid, daily consumption can fall to 26 litres per person.

Nature did not create this inequality. Israel controls infrastructure, drilling permissions and access to major sources. Israeli illegal settlers reinforce that control by attacking tanks, pipelines, wells and repair crews.

In January as well, settlers repeatedly attacked the Ein Samiya wells, damaging control equipment and cables. Workers attempting repairs were threatened and assaulted. The disruption affected a principal water source for about 20 villages and an estimated 100,000 Palestinians in eastern Ramallah.

Displacement Without an Expulsion Order

By June, more than 1,000 settler attacks had displaced over 2,200 Palestinians in 2026. Even Ras Ein al-Auja, one of the Jordan Valley’s largest Bedouin communities, was emptied after years of threats, livestock theft, water restrictions and violence. Moreover, about 600 residents were displaced in January.

Palestinian families may leave without receiving a formal expulsion order. They go because settlers seize grazing land, destroy water tanks, invade homes and threaten children. But then Israel portrays their departure as voluntary.

However, there is nothing voluntary about choosing between displacement and living without water, livelihood, or safety.

One Israeli Project Across Palestine

Gaza and the West Bank face different intensities of the same Israeli project. Gaza endures genocide, siege, and territorial fragmentation. Meanwhile, the West Bank confronts settlement expansion, military raids, settler terror and the steady theft of land and water.

Both aim to weaken Palestinian society and prevent a free, connected and sovereign Palestine. The International Court of Justice has concluded that Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory is unlawful.

Yet foreign governments continue issuing statements while Israel changes reality on the ground.

In a nutshell, a stolen spring in Fasayil and besieged homes in Qusra tell the same story. Settlers take the resource, the occupation protects the seizure, and Palestinian families are expected to disappear completely.

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