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The History of the Umayyad Caliphate

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The end of the Rashid caliphate

After the death of Ali ibn Abi Talib, his son Al-Hasan ibn Ali was his successor, and the caliph Al-Hasan began to organize the administrative conditions of the country

The people of Iraq urged the Caliph Al-Hasan to fight, but Al-Hasan had doubts in the people of Iraq. So, he did not call for a fight, but he rather took a position to go with some tribes to the cities.

Al-Hasan asked for Obaidullah bin Abbas and ordered him to fight Muawiyah Bin Abu Sufyan in the Levant (Bilad El-Cham).

Muawiyah was able to buy the loyalty of some leaders and began to negotiate with Al-Hasan about stepping aside from being a caliphate in case he was dead.

Muawiya agreed to the conditions of Hassan and began the History of the Umayyad state.

History of the Umayyad state

When talking about the history of the Umayyad state it has to be mentioned that it is the largest state and the second caliphate in Islam

It is also considered one of the largest ruling states in history. The rule of Bani Umayya began from year 41 AH, until 132 Ah,

The Umayyad state was founded by Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan. Muawiya was the ruler of al-Sham since the days of Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab

The dispute between Ali ibn Abi Talib and Muawiya began after the sedition in which Osman Ibn Afan was killed, till Al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib abandoned the caliphate to Muawiya after the death of his father Ali.

Revolutions in the Umayyad state

The history of the Umayyad state has witnessed many revolutions. including the revolutions of the Shiites and the rebels that took revenge for the death of Hussein bin Ali in the Battle of Karbala by the Umayyads

Hajjaj ibn Yusuf Al-Thaqafi had a great role in extinguishing these revolutions as the ruler of Iraq and Kufa the most enemies of the Umayyad state

The Umayyad successors of the Sufyan branch

When talking about the history of the Umayyad state it is necessary to know the caliphs who were the founding of the Umayyad state

They are the successors of the Sufyan branch, namely caliph Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan, and his son Yazid ibn Muawiya:

Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan

In narrating the history of the Umayyad state it is necessary to talk about its founder, which is Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan is the first successor of the Sufyan branch of the Umayyad state

He ruled from the year 41 AH until the year 60 AH. The Umayyad state under MU’awiya has lived twenty years of peace and internal prosperity, conquests and victories abroad،

Yazid ibn Muawiya

Yazid took the caliphate after his father and continued his rule from the year 60 ah until the year 63 ah.

Many revolutions have sparked against him, including the revolution of Hussein bin Ali, who was killed along with some of his family by the Umayyads.

Umayyad successors who descend from Caliph Marwan bin al-Hakam

When talking about the Umayyad state we should talk about the successors of the second branch, which is the Branch that descends from Caliph Marwan bin al-Hakam.

He ruled from 64 ah until 65 ah. Marwan died 10 months after being the caliphate. Then his son became his successor.

Abdulmalik bin Marwan

Abdulmalik bin Marwan ruled in 65 ah after the death of his father, until the year 86 Ah.

He was able to put down many revolutions, including the tuabin movement, the Mukhtar revolution, the movement of Musab bin Al-Zubair, and Abdullah bin Al-Zubair.

After achieving stability in his lands, he began to prepare campaigns to fight against the Roman.

Abdul Malik ibn Marwan died at the age of 60 in Damascus to be succeeded by his son Al-Walid.

Al-Walid ibn Abd al-Malik

Al-Walid ibn Abd al-Malik ruled a strong state free of internal revolts.

He ruled until 96 Ah, he began the external conquests until his armies reached huge places in the 4 directions.

Speaking of internal affairs in the state, he also made lots of achievements, especially in architecture, caring for the parish, and charity for the poor.

Suleiman ibn Abd al-Malik

He ruled in 96 ah and continued his rule until 99 ah. Suleiman sent lots of campaigns for his war against the Roman his armies entered the waters of the Bosphorus, even his army settled in front of the walls of Constantinople

Omar bin Abdul Aziz

The rule of Omar bin Abdul Aziz continued from the year 99 ah, until the year 101 Ah. His succession was described as the era of  stability and justice

Omar replaced most of the rulers with more competent and perfect rulers who followed Islamic law. He called for equality and gave the poor and the sick

Yazid bin Abd al-Malik

Yazid II received the rule in 101 ah and continued until 105 ah. He was familiar with recklessness, laziness, and his love for women.

In his reign the rebels revolted against him, Conquests stopped

Hisham bin Abdulmalik

Hisham bin Abd al-Malik received the caliphate in 105 ah and continued until 125 Ah.

Abd al-Malik was far-sighted and bold. He established balance and justice in his state, tried to eliminate corruption, monitored the state’s general budget, and established public services.

Hisham was able to stop the revolution of Zayd ibn Ali in Iraq. He resumed conquests against the Romans and against the Turk.

Al-Walid II bin Yazid II

Al-Walid received the rule for one year only، From the year 125 ah until the year 126 ah.

He lived a lavish life and spent all the state budget until he was killed

Yazid III and Ibrahim ibn al-Walid

He began to reform the affairs of the state. Imposed a policy of austerity on his family and on himself and promised to return the warriors back to their families who haven’t seen them in a long time.  

He also promised not to shut his door in front of his parish. He died in the same year he became the caliphate, followed by Ibrahim ibn al-Walid but was killed by the last Umayyad caliph Marwan ibn Muhammad.

Marwan Ibn Muhammad

He continued his rule from 127 ah until 132 ah, and was a strong and intelligent warrior. He moved the headquarters of the caliphate to Haran.

Many revolutions revolted against him in most of the country, especially in Khorasan.

The Umayyad state ended when Marwan lose in the Battle of the Zab.

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Hebron Under Siege: Thousands Displaced as Israel Tightens Its Grip on the West Bank

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For a Palestinian family in Hebron, the distance between home and safety can now be an Israeli military checkpoint. Since October 23, Israeli troops have illegally sealed neighborhoods, ordered evacuations, and conducted raids across the occupied West Bank city.

By the end of October 2026, more than 3000 residents have been displaced, while thousands have lost access to their homes over an alleged attack they did not commit.

How Hebron’s October Lockdown Began

On October 23, two Israeli soldiers died at a checkpoint near Hebron. Israeli forces launched an extensive operation, imposing road closures and searching homes.

Israel covers this genocidal operation by describing it as a targeted effort, but in reality, it is actually targeted at innocent Palestinians. The residents are not being provided with exit routes to completely cut them off from the world.

The restrictions reached considerably further than the suspects’ homes. Residents of Ein Deir Bahah and Jildah were instructed through loudspeakers to evacuate. Soldiers also took over vacated houses for military use. By October 29, nearly every main entrance to Hebron remained closed, with limited exceptions for essential supplies and municipal vehicles.

On October 31, credible reports described renewed military restrictions in Ein Deir Bahah, deepening uncertainty over when families could return.

Thousands Displaced, Homes and Businesses Demolished

The latest UN humanitarian assessment recorded displacement from an area covering roughly 350 dunums. Most families had to seek shelter with relatives, while the number remaining inside closed neighborhoods remains unclear. Temporary shelter, however, offers little certainty about work, belongings or the possibility of returning home.

In Farsh al Hawa, Israeli authorities demolished an inhabited three-storey building, more than five commercial structures and a water cistern, citing permit violations and security concerns. The demolitions directly displaced a family of seven, including three children, while affecting another 51 people. Some destroyed premises supported families’ livelihoods. Water tanks, vehicles and goods were also reportedly damaged or confiscated.

Ultimately, a Gaza-like situation is being created in Hebron by the Israeli military.

Hebron Was Already a City Divided by Checkpoints

The latest operation was imposed on a city with decades of restrictions. Under the 1997 Hebron Protocol, roughly 80% of Hebron, known as H1, came under Palestinian Authority administration. However, Israel retains control over H2 and much of H1 as well.

An April 2026 UN survey counted 101 movement obstacles in H2, including illegal Israeli checkpoints and road barriers. Access to some neighborhoods has long depended on residency registration and restricted hours. The surroundings of the Ibrahimi Mosque, central to Hebron’s religious heritage, have likewise been shaped by these divisions.

UN Raises the Alarm Over Collective Punishment

UN human rights chief Volker Türk called for this illegal operation to end on October 26, warning that sweeping measures appeared punitive and raised concerns about disproportionate force. Threats to clear entire neighborhoods also raised concerns about ethnic cleansing. Although his warning was not a court verdict, it demanded urgent scrutiny.

In fact, international humanitarian law prohibits collective punishment. Civilians cannot be penalized simply because other people committed an attack.

Moreover, the wider West Bank context is troubling. UN monitors recorded 397 settler attacks causing casualties or property damage during October 2026, the highest monthly total since their records began in 2006.

The International Court of Justice’s July 2024 advisory opinion also found Israel’s continued presence in occupied Palestinian territory unlawful.

For Hebron’s Families, Return Is the Real Test

Israel wants to illegally grab all the Palestinian land, as it has been doing since the Nakba.

Reopening Israeli checkpoints will not instantly restore the lost days of schooling, interrupted treatment, or ruined Palestinian businesses. Displaced families need safe access to their homes with peace and tranquility.

Hebron’s latest ordeal shows how an absurd Israeli operation described as temporary can place an entire community’s ordinary life on hold. Palestinian civilians deserve safety, freedom of movement, and dignity. Their rights cannot be made conditional on the next Israeli military announcement.

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Israel’s Election Deadlock: Netanyahu’s Political Future and the Fight for Palestinian Rights

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During the much-awaited elections, Israel has voted, but the future of its government remains unresolved. The recent Israeli elections denied Genocidal Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s allies a clear parliamentary majority. While parties representing Palestinian citizens achieved an unprecedented result. Yet millions of Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank had no ballot in an election whose consequences will reach deeply into their daily lives.

Let’s dig into more details of the 2026 Israeli elections and their impacts on Palestinian life and statehood.

Israel’s 2026 Elections End Without a Clear Majority

The final election results, released on October 30, gave Netanyahu’s bloc 53 seats in the 120-member Knesset, eight short of the 61 needed to govern. The main opposition grouping, led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, received 48, while Arab-led parties secured 19.

Netanyahu’s Likud remained the largest individual party with 27 seats. On the other hand, Eisenkot’s Yashar won 21, and turnout reached around 80%, the highest in decades.

The result leaves several routes to government formation. Negotiations could involve cooperation across existing blocs, support from Arab-led lawmakers, or renewed elections if successive attempts fail. Genocidal criminal Netanyahu remains prime minister while the constitutional process continues.

Palestinian Citizens Secure a Historic 19 Seats

The most striking and unprecedented change came from Palestinian citizens, whose political representation rose sharply. The Joint List won 11 seats and Ra’am eight, exceeding the previous Arab-led parliamentary high of 15 in 2020.

Ultimately, their electoral success was not simply a contest between Netanyahu and Eisenkot. Voters and community leaders also described concerns over violent crime, discrimination, public investment and equality, alongside the destruction in Gaza and the future of Palestinian statehood.

However, parliamentary numbers do not automatically translate into governing influence. Joint List leader Yousef Jabareen expressed willingness to support an Eisenkot-led minority administration from outside, while Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas indicated greater openness to participation.

Eisenkot had ruled out an alliance with Arab-led parties during the campaign. Right-wing opposition leader Avigdor Lieberman subsequently rejected such cooperation.

Palestinian votes have become central to the parliamentary balance, while their representatives still face barriers to joining a government.

Different Leaders, Shared Opposition to Palestinian Statehood

Although Netanyahu and Eisenkot differ over settlement policy, their positions on Palestinian self-determination have significant similarities.

Both oppose establishing an independent Palestinian state and insist that Israel retain overarching and illegal security control between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Both have said Israeli forces should not withdraw fully from Gaza.

Netanyahu’s governing partners include politicians advocating annexation of occupied West Bank territory. His administrations have overseen extensive settlement growth, including hundreds of unauthorized outposts.

Apparently, Eisenkot is opposing unauthorized settlement construction, settler violence, and development in the sensitive E1 area, which could separate East Jerusalem from much of the West Bank.

These differences matter a lot for communities threatened by land seizures or restricted movement. They do not, however, amount to a commitment to Palestinian sovereignty.

So, the election raises questions about actual policies, not only the identity of the next prime minister.

Netanyahu’s ICC Arrest Warrant Keeps Accountability in Focus

On November 21, 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for genocidal criminal Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant.

Judges found reasonable grounds to believe they bore responsibility for alleged genocidal war crimes and crimes against humanity, including starvation as a method of warfare, persecution, and murder.

Separate proceedings brought by South Africa before the International Court of Justice concern evidence of genocide in Gaza. Consequently, the ICJ has ordered provisional measures against the genocide.

Millions of Palestinians Remain Excluded From the Ballot

Millions living under illegal Israeli control in Gaza and the occupied West Bank cannot contribute to the election that most affects their lives. Most Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem also lack parliamentary voting rights because they do not hold Israeli citizenship.

Yet decisions made by Israeli governments shape military operations, settlement development, border access, and the movement of innocent Palestinians and essential supplies.

Amnesty International highlighted this voting-rights disparity before the election.

Unfortunately, the humanitarian consequences are substantial. The October UN investigation reported 34,176 Palestinians still displaced in the West Bank following brutal military operations that began in January 2025.

The recent military lockdown in Hebron, which displaced thousands more, illustrates how political decisions reach directly into Palestinian homes and neighborhoods.

What Comes Next for Israel and Palestinian Rights?

Election results are due to be presented to genocidal President Isaac Herzog on November 4, followed by consultations on government formation. The new Knesset is scheduled to convene on November 10.

For Palestinians, the meaningful measure of any administration will be its actions. Whether the ceasefire violations in Gaza stop or not? Whether Israeli leadership understands the sensitivity of the issue of Palestinian statehood or not? And whether civilians are protected, restrictions eased, settlements addressed, and international legal obligations respected.

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Beyond Gaza: How Israel’s Expanding Wars Are Devastating the Middle East

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In Southern Lebanon, families can see the hills surrounding their villages but cannot go home. Israeli soldiers still occupy nearby ground, and houses continue to disappear beneath explosives and bulldozers. When it comes to Syria, farmers face Israeli checkpoints on familiar land. Farther east, Iran is living with the consequences of an unprovoked conflict that was launched by Israel and the United States together.

Though the conflicts differ, they raise one urgent question: How far might Gaza’s genocide, destruction, and displacement spread?

Gaza’s Genocide Has Become a Regional Warning

The scale of devastation in Gaza provides the clearest reason to take that question seriously. Israel’s military campaign has devastated hospitals and homes and repeatedly displaced innocent Palestinian families. Even the October 2025 ceasefire has not brought an end to these lethal, genocidal attacks.

The United Nations Commission of Inquiry’s findings addressed killings, serious harm and the deliberate creation of destructive living conditions, alongside evidence of genocidal intent.

Israel is looking to grab regional power. To make a greater Israel, it can cross any boundaries. The current Middle East war and the situation in Gaza and the West Bank are manifestations of Israel’s heinous designs to obliterate the region.

Lebanon’s Yellow Line Leaves Villages Beyond Reach

Unfortunately, Southern Lebanon offers the most disturbing comparison. Israel’s renewed invasion and bombardment during this year is a reflection of how far it can reach. The ensuing fighting displaced more than 1.2 million people in Lebanon.

However, a June framework for phased Israeli withdrawal promised a path towards restoring Lebanese control. Instead, troops retained positions behind a so-called Yellow Line, a term also used for Israeli-controlled territory in Gaza. An investigation also documented continued demolitions and described around 50 frontline villages left devastated.

In West Zawtar, about 70 families had returned by early October, despite damaged homes and missing services. From across the valley, residents watched Israeli forces demolish buildings in East Zawtar. Their farmers struggled to access olive groves, while surveillance drones circled overhead. It is unfortunate to see how a supposed model for withdrawal had become a landscape of uncertainty.

Syria Faces Raids, Detentions and a New Occupation

In Syria, Israel expanded its military presence after Bashar al-Assad’s government fell in December 2024. Troops entered the UN-monitored buffer zone beside the occupied Golan Heights and illegally established positions farther into southern Syria.

Residents of Quneitra and Daraa now describe raids, restricted roads, detentions, and damaged farmland. Syrians also protested incursions near the Golan Heights after reports of bulldozed olive groves and new checkpoints by Israel. For farming families, restricted fields eventually mean lost livelihoods.

A September UN investigation report identified 49 Syrians, including two children, illegally detained by Israeli forces and transferred across the border. Investigators warned that some actions could constitute war crimes. Israel says its deployment is temporary, necessary for security, and carries no territorial ambition. Syrian authorities and the UN dispute the legitimacy of the incursions.

Iran’s War Spreads Its Costs Beyond the Battlefield

On February 28, 2026, Israel and the United States jointly launched numerous strikes against Iran, beginning an unprovoked conflict that has shaken the wider region. Iranian counterattacks followed against US assets and infrastructure in Gulf countries, while fighting intensified in Lebanon.

The consequences reach well beyond the armed forces as Iranian families have endured casualties, damaged infrastructure and mounting economic pressure. International shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has been largely disrupted, pushing energy prices higher and exposing households throughout the region to rising costs.

This was eventually an unprovoked war on Iran, started by Israel and supported by the United States. After igniting the flames, Israel wants to gradually get away from this but is still passively supporting the wider conflict between Iran and the United States.

Yemen and Saudi Arabia Are Drawn Deeper Into the Crisis

The Israel-led war’s ripple effects now extend across the Arabian Peninsula. Israel has previously struck Houthi-controlled targets in Yemen, while the Houthis have attacked Israel and commercial shipping. Their separate conflict with Saudi-backed Yemeni forces also began long before the February 2026 assault on Iran.

By October, renewed Houthi missile and drone attacks had prompted Saudi interceptions and emergency alerts. Threats to airports and energy infrastructure are escalating. The renewed fighting also jeopardizes the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route and threatens families in Yemen, already exhausted by years of war.

Though Israel does not directly wage these conflicts, its military confrontation with Iran and allied groups is part of the escalation reshaping this fragile region.

In a nutshell, the evidence from Lebanon and Syria warrants independent investigation, just as the genocide findings in Gaza demand action rather than indifference.

In fact, for families waiting beside demolished villages or fleeing another round of airstrikes, the immediate demand is simpler: safety, the right to return, and a future that is not repeatedly erased by war.

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